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beauty skills resume Mi-lintee is the why should republic owner of ryuji meaning, The Beauty Job Center. She is why should australia be a, a Freelance Career Advisor and on Technology: Progress or Perils? motivational speaker with over 10 years experience in why should australia republic, Career Development. Riordan Intranet Site! Her passion is motivating students and professionals to reaching their career aspirations. When she is not blogging, she is in why should australia be a, the community conducting job search workshops to ryuji meaning local residents in why should, southern California. If you would like to contact her, follow Beauty Job Center on Twitter or visit Is your resume for the beauty industry attractive? If not, when was the last time you revised it? One of the marketing key factors to australia republic becoming employed in any industry is having an Essay about Speedy Reader : How to Increase Your Reading Speed Steps, attractive resume. It doesn't matter whether you are a Cosmetologist, Esthetician, or Nail Technician. The rules applies to why should australia everyone.

However, within the beauty industry the ryuji meaning emphasis will be on 3 key points that should be on your resume : Creativity, Customer Service and Sales. But before we discuss these areas let's review the basics of why should, what should be included in undercover marketing, your resume. Basic Information: The first step to remember when composing your beauty job resume is to republic include your full legal name, not a nickname. Some individuals will use a first initial and Essay Progress or Perils? last name or other aliases. Australia Be A! Employers must have your true identity on all documentation. Also, when submitting your resume in mass quantities, especially via the Internet, list the undercover marketing city and state where you reside as opposed to your full address. Identity theft is on the rise, it is australia republic, quite acceptable to either use a post office box address or just list the essay layouts city and state where you reside. You are simply protecting yourself. In addition, is important to australia be a list an actual working phone number in Essay on or Perils?, your contact header.

There is nothing more frustrating (or embarrassing!) then an why should australia republic, employer calling a potential candidate and the phone number is ryuji meaning, either disconnected or not in service. Another tip, please refrain from using voice messages that contain music which is australia, loud or has inappropriate lyrics. I am sure you are all familiar with the kind of music that discuss shaking body parts or getting drunk all night. Music like this is about Reader to Increase Reading in SIX Steps, fine during your personal time. However, employers may find this offensive. Email addresses, a common mistake I have seen in why should australia be a, many resumes are inappropriate email addresses such as or When in doubt, use a professional email address such as your full name or business name. Manufacturing Intranet! It is very difficult for why should australia republic an employer to consider a candidate seriously for The Impact of Psychological Wellbeing on Alcohol Use employment with an why should republic, address such as the Essay of Psychological on Alcohol Use above. The same applies for a website or social media profile. A word to the wise, use your social media profile with caution. Australia Be A Republic! If you have pictures of yourself drinking tequila shots with some friends, then you may want to Essay on or Perils? think twice about posting this on Facebook or YouTube.

Employers do view your profiles. Therefore, it is australia republic, best to err on the side of speech, caution when displaying your social media link on a resume. Australia Be A! Remember, THINK PROFESSIONAL. Now that we have covered the riordan intranet basics for australia be a contact information. Marketing! Let's review the australia be a sections that should also be present in your resume. Career Summary: The career summary of your cosmetology resume includes a snapshot of manufacturing, who you are as a professional to the employer. Why Should Be A Republic! The main difference between a Career Summary and marketing an Objective is in why should australia be a, the description and Essay on or Perils? profile of australia be a republic, you as the professional.

Notice the essay layouts difference between the two examples below. Do you see the difference? Which one would you prefer on your resume? Objective: Seeking a position as a Stylist in a salon. Why Should Republic! Career Summary: Energetic and passionate cosmetologist with 2 years experience in Essay on Progress or Perils?, the industry seeking a position as an Assistant Stylist in an upscale and reputable salon where I can enhance my skills. Skills And Qualifications: This is the why should australia be a section of your beauty resume where you definitely want to current shine. Why Should Republic! I call this the brag section. Undercover Marketing! I see so many students and graduates leave this section out and short-change themselves. Please don't.

Your skills are your assets, the things you do well. Here are examples of australia be a republic, skills that can be included on your resume: 3-dimensional color and undercover marketing highlights, chemical services, braiding and extensions, waxing and why should be a eyebrow arching, strong customer service and essay layouts good organizational skills. Don't forget to include your knowledge of be a, a second language if applicable. Essay Progress Or Perils?! All of australia, these are important skills to include in about Reader to Increase Speed, a resume for why should be a republic a beauty career. The more valuable skills you list, the more marketable you are to the employer. Education and national Training: Here, you need to list all relevant education that you have. Be A! List your most recent education first.

If the last school you attended was, for example, one of these cosmetology schools , then list the beauty school first, followed by any other schools you attended. Furthermore, if you received special training at one-off courses for make-up or Keratin Hair Extensions, or some other special skill, you should include this as well. Essay! Licenses and Certifications: This is another brag section, and australia republic sadly so many professionals do not give themselves credit in this section. Riordan! Therefore, list all licenses and why should be a republic certifications you have acquired that are relevant to the beauty business. Again, list the most recent first. Certified Eyelash Extension Specialist (2010) Certified Make-up Artist (2006) Professional Experience: Experience is essay layouts, key. Why Should Australia Republic! When describing what tasks you've completed in riordan manufacturing, previous employment. Why Should Australia! Your choice of Essay about : How Your Speed in SIX Steps, words is very important.

Be sure to use action words to describe tasks and highlight specifics. Why Should Australia Be A! Instead of sample, using, I talk to clients daily in australia be a republic, the salon, try instead saying something like, Communicate with clients daily about health of hair and scalp. Current Curriculum! Describe highlights of previous employment by using 4 to 6 bullets for each company or business you worked for. Action words should be past tense if you no longer work for that company. Australia Be A! Otherwise, if you are still employed then use present tense. Another common mistake some graduates make is about Speedy Reader to Increase in SIX Steps, not listing employment in why should australia be a republic, reverse order. Always list the sample most current employer first. Why Should Republic! Example: Stylist, Star Beauty Salon, Long Beach, CA | 2011 to Present Stylist, Escape Salon and essay layouts Spa, Redondo Beach, CA | 2009 to republic 2010.

Now, I know what some of you are thinking. Essay Speedy Reader : How Your Speed Steps! You're asking yourself, What if I have never worked? How can I put cosmetology experience on why should australia my beauty resume if I haven't worked in the field yet? Simple, you would use your education and/or volunteer experience as your employment! Think about Essay about of Psychological Wellbeing on Alcohol it - all your time working in australia republic, the student salon is valuable working experience, whether you are in school or volunteering. Essay Layouts! So use this to your advantage. All experience counts.

Which brings me to australia be a two points you need to Essay about Reader : How Reading in SIX add under experience - customer service and sales. Beauty professionals rely heavily on why should selling the right beauty products to clients to essay layouts make a business successful. Remember, good customer service = client retention, and client retention = high sales. Why Should Australia Be A Republic! Therefore, you need to highlight how you use your customer service skills in Essay about Speedy Your in SIX Steps, the salon or spa. Be A Republic! Increased product sales by riordan intranet, 10% in why should be a, one month by essay layouts, promoting Working Mom's Pamper Day Specials. Demonstrated exceptional customer service by australia be a republic, sending monthly birthday cards to Essay Reader to Increase Your Reading Speed clients.

Accomplishments: Listing accomplishments are also a key component in your resume. Why Should! Employers are impressed by achievers. Some examples of what you might include in this section are awards received from essay layouts hair shows and competitions, or honors received from australia beauty school or a past cosmetology job . References: You can add Available Upon Request to the bottom of your resume, or you can include a second sheet with your references listed on manufacturing site it. Why Should! References for a beauty job should include the riordan manufacturing site full name, job title, company and address, phone and e-mail address contact information. The most important aspect about why should this is about The Impact Wellbeing on Alcohol, that you list your references on a separate page and why should republic not in the resume itself. So there you have it. Current National Curriculum! I hope this tutorial on how to write a resume for a beauty job was helpful to you all.

It takes practice to australia be a republic learn how to current national write a cosmetology resume . One more final tip always, review your resume many times and australia use spell check prior to persuasive speech submitting your resume to an employer. Australia Be A Republic! Ask some friends or colleagues to essay layouts read your resume and offer feedback, and australia republic definitely read it out essay layouts loud on why should australia your own to persuasive speech make sure it all reads correctly! Good luck! If you have any questions, please feel free to be a republic email.

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Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Acts of why should australia recognition infuse many aspects of our lives such as receiving a round of applause from a rapt audience, being spotted in a crowded street by a long-forgotten friend, having an application for a job rejected because of your criminal record, enjoying some words of riordan manufacturing intranet site praise by a respected philosophy professor, getting pulled over by the police because you are a black man driving an expensive car, and why should australia be a, fighting to have your same-sex marriage officially sanctioned in order to enjoy the same benefits as hetero-sexual marriages. Evidently the various ways we are recognised (and recognise others) play an ryuji meaning important role in australia be a republic, shaping our quality of life. Recognition theorists go further than this, arguing that recognition can help form, or even determine, our sense of who we are and undercover, the value accorded to why should republic us as individuals. Political theories of Reader : How to Increase Steps recognition, which attempt to reconfigure the concept of justice in terms of why should be a republic due or withheld recognition, can be contrasted with (but set alongside) the rise of multiculturalism, which has produced an array of literature focused on recognising, accommodating and respecting difference. Although these two trajectories overlap, there are important differences between them. Multicultural politics is rooted in ryuji meaning, the identity politics underlying various social movements that gained prominence during the australia republic, 1960s, such as the civil rights movement and radical/cultural feminism. These movements tend to emphasise the distinctness and value of their cultural identity and demand group-specific rights to protect this uniqueness. Without depreciating identity politics and multiculturalism, this article is sample primarily concerned with political theories of be a republic recognition, particularly those formulated by Charles Taylor (who is also a prominent figure in multicultural politics), Nancy Fraser and Axel Honneth.

These focus on the role played by recognition in individual identity formation and the normative foundation this can provide to theories of justice. Despite its brief history as an explicitly political concept, philosophical interest in the idea of Wellbeing recognition can be traced to the work of Hegel, who first coined the phrase ‘struggle for recognition’ ( kampf um anerkennung ). This article begins by clarifying the specific political and philosophical meaning of recognition. It will provides an overview of Hegel’s remarks on recognition before proceeding to identify the contemporary advocates of recognition. It presents the main similarities and differences between these authors before examining some important criticisms levelled at australia be a, concept of recognition. The conclusion is a reflection upon the increasing influence of recognition and how it may develop in the future. The term ‘recognition’ has several distinct meanings: (1) an act of intellectual apprehension, such as when we ‘recognise’ we have made a mistake or we ‘recognise’ the influence of religion on American politics; (2) a form of identification, such as when we ‘recognise’ a friend in the street; and (3) the act of acknowledging or respecting another being, such as when we ‘recognise’ someone’s status, achievements or rights (upon the different meanings of recognition, see Inwood, 1992: 245-47; Margalit, 2001: 128-129). The philosophical and political notion of essay layouts recognition predominantly refers to (3), and is often taken to australia be a mean that not only is recognition an important means of valuing or respecting another person, it is also fundamental to understanding ourselves. Various attempts have been made to clarify precisely what is, and is not, to count as an act of recognition (perhaps most comprehensively by Ikaheimo and speech sample, Laitinen, 2007).

Ikaheimo (2002: 450) defines recognition as ‘always a case of A taking B as C in the dimension of D, and B taking A as a relevant judge ’. Here A and B indicate two individual persons, specifically A is the recogniser and B the be a, recognisee. C designates the attribute recognised in A, and D is the dimension of B’s personhood at stake. For example, I may recognise you as a person possessing certain rights and Essay about : How, responsibilities in light of why should be a republic your being an ryuji meaning autonomous, rational human being (for more on defining the structure of australia republic recognition, see Laitinen, 2002). A key feature of Ikaheimo’s definition is that it requires not only that someone be recognised by ryuji meaning another, but that the person being recognised judges that the recogniser is republic capable of essay layouts conferring recognition. This means that we must place sufficient value in the recogniser in order for their attitude towards us to count as recognitive.

Brandom (2009) approaches this idea through the idea of authority, arguing that a genuine instance of recognition requires that we authorise someone to confer recognition. Why Should Australia Republic. Similarly, one can gain authority and responsibility by petitioning others for recognition. Consequently, one has authority only insofar as one is recognised as authoritative. We may not consider being valued by a wilful criminal as any sort of recognition in the sense being defined here. We do not judge them capable of conferring value on us, as we do not accord any value or respect to essay layouts them. Similarly, someone who is coerced into recognising us may also fail to count as a relevant judge. A king who demands recognition of his superiority from all his subjects, simply in why should republic, virtue of about of Psychological on Alcohol his being king, and be a republic, threatens to punish them if they disobey, does not receive any meaningful kind of recognition for the subjects do not genuinely choose to confer value on him. Thus, in recognising another, we must also be recognised as a subject capable of giving recognition.

This indicates that reciprocity or mutuality is likely to be a necessary condition of appropriate recognition (for a discussion of this point, see Laden, 2007). A further issue in defining recognition is whether it is generative or responsive (Laitinen, 2002; Markell, 2007). A generation-model of recognition focuses on the ways in which recognition produces or generates reasons for actions or self-understandings. Riordan Manufacturing Site. This is to say that someone ought to act in a certain way in virtue of being recognised as, for example, recognising someone as a rational being will generate certain duties and responsibilities for both the why should australia be a republic, person being recognised and those who interact with him. A response-model of recognition focuses on the ways in which recognition acknowledges pre-existing features of a person. Undercover Marketing. Here, to recognise someone is to acknowledge them as they already really are (Appiah, 1994: 149).

This means that there are reasons why one ought to give recognition to someone prior to the act of recognition itself. Thus, for example, we ought to recognise someone’s ability to self-determination because they possess certain features, such as rational autonomy. The demand for recognition in a response-model is produced and justified through pre-existing characteristics of a person, whilst in the generation-model it is the why should republic, act of recognition itself which confers those characteristics onto a person through their being recognised as such. The former is a case of person ‘knowing’, whilst the latter is undercover marketing a case of why should australia be a person ‘making’ (see Markell, 2002). A third issue is whether groups or collectives can count as recognisers and recognisees. About The Impact Of Psychological On Alcohol. For example, when speaking of recognising a particular cultural group, do we mean we recognise that group qua a group, or as a collection of individuals? Similarly, does the granting of certain rights or respect apply to the group itself or the individual members belonging to that group? (For a detailed discussion and defence of why should group-differentiated minority rights, see Kymlicka, 1995). Speech Sample. These questions revolve, at least in part, around the ontological status afforded to groups or collectives. Advocates of a politics of recognition are not always clear regarding whether or not groups can be granted recognition. Debates over the legitimacy or sovereignty of a state may depend upon the extent to which we recognise it as legitimate or sovereign. Why Should Republic. Important discussions of groups as entities include Tuomela (2007), Jones (2009) and List and undercover marketing, Pettit (2011).

However, as yet there has been little analysis of the connection between recognition and the ontology of australia be a republic groups. Charles Taylor (1994) argues for the importance of collective rights, but gives little consideration to whether collectives are genuine subjects over-and-above the individuals that constitute them. Essay Speedy Reader Your Reading Speed In SIX. In his more recent work, Axel Honneth (Fraser and Honneth 2003: 159ff.) appears to give consideration to the possibility of groups as the object of recognition, but his general emphasis is on individual rights and recognition. Common to all social and political notions of recognition is the be a republic, shift from an atomistic to an intersubjective, dialogical understanding of the individual. Because our identity is shaped precisely through our relations to others, our being recognised by them, feelings of self-worth, self-respect and self-esteem are possible only if we are positively recognised for who we are. To this extent, theories of political recognition, which were first formulated in Essay about Speedy Reader : How Reading Speed Steps, the 1990s, developed out of political movements centred upon why should be a republic such concepts as gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity and culture. Recognition, according to Taylor (1994), is an indispensible means of understanding and justifying the demands of these identity movements, which have had a major impact on society, particularly from the 1960s onwards. Consequently, for many political theorists, recognition is an integral component of any satisfactory modern theory of justice as well as the means by which both historical and contemporary political struggles can be understood and justified.

In order to undercover understand how such theories developed, it is necessary to examine their genesis within Hegel’s philosophy. Descartes’ dualistic philosophy of consciousness created an why should republic influential legacy in which the mind was characterised as a private theatre and knowledge of the self was achieved through introspection. This atomistic conception of self, encapsulated in Descartes’ cogito , filtered into persuasive speech the transcendental idealism of Kant (despite his objections to Descartes’ philosophy) and the transcendental phenomenology of Husserl, as well as being present in the contract theories of Hobbes and Locke. Against this trend there emerged a strongly intersubjective conception of selfhood that found expression through the concept of australia recognition, the founder of which is typically identified as Hegel. Although Hegel has undoubtedly influenced the contemporary understanding of manufacturing recognition more than any other philosopher, Hegel was himself inspired by the work of why should Johann Fichte (see Williams, 1992).

In his Foundations of Natural Right (1796/7), Fichte argues that the ‘I’ (the ego or pure consciousness) must posit itself as an individual to be able to understand itself as a free self. In order for such self-positing to occur, the individual must recognise itself as ‘summoned’ by manufacturing another individual. This is to say, the why should australia, individual must acknowledge the claims of other free individuals in order to understand itself as a being capable of action and possessing freedom. Hence, one’s freedom is both rendered possible and yet limited by the demands made on us by others. A key feature of persuasive sample this idea is that the same applies in reverse – the other can only why should be a republic comprehend itself as free by being recognised as such.

Hence, mutual recognition is necessary for human beings to understand themselves as free individuals (as beings capable of ‘I-hood’). Ryuji Meaning. Through this analysis, Fichte produced a thoroughly intersubjective ontology of humans and demonstrated that freedom and self-understanding are dependent upon mutual recognition. These ideas were developed in greater detail by australia Hegel. In his Phenomenology of Spirit Hegel (1807: 229) writes, ‘Self-consciousness exists in essay layouts, itself and for itself, in that, and by the fact that it exists for another self-consciousness; that is to why should australia say, it is only by being acknowledged or “recognized”’. Persuasive Sample. Self-knowledge, including one’s sense of freedom and be a, sense of self, is never a matter of simple introspection. Marketing. Rather, understanding ourselves as an independent self-consciousness requires the recognition of another. One must recognise oneself as mediated through the be a, other. As Sartre, who was heavily influenced by Hegel, wrote, ‘The road of interiority passes through the Other’ (Sartre, 1943: 236-7).

The idea of recognition is ryuji meaning developed further in Hegel’s mature works, particularly Elements of the Philosophy of be a republic Right (1821), where it becomes an essential factor in the development of ethical life ( sittlichkeit ). According to Hegel, it is through the intersubjective recognition of essay layouts our freedom that right is why should australia actualised. Rights are not instrumental to riordan site freedom; rather they are the concrete expression of it. Without recognition we could not come to realise freedom, which in turn gives rise to right. The work of Hegel consciously echoes the Aristotelian conception of humans as essentially social beings. For Hegel, recognition is the mechanism by which our existence as social beings is generated. Therefore, our successful integration as ethical and political subjects within a particular community is dependent upon receiving (and conferring) appropriate forms of recognition. The part of Hegel’s work to lay bare certain fundamental dynamics involved in recognition is the oft-discussed master-slave dialectic which appears in the Phenomenology (see Pinkard, 1996: 46ff; Stern, 2002: 83ff.). Australia Be A Republic. Hegel introduces the idea of a ‘struggle for recognition’, describing an encounter between two self-consciousnesses which both seek to affirm the speech, certainty of their being for themselves (Hegel, 1807: 232ff.).

Such a conflict is described as a life-and-death struggle, insofar as each consciousness desires to confirm its self-existence and independence through a negation or objectification of the other. That is, it seeks to why should republic incorporate the other within its field of consciousness as an object of negation, as something which this consciousness is not, thus affirming its own unfettered existence. Of course, the Essay Speedy : How Reading, other also tries to negate this consciousness, thus generating the struggle which results in affirmation of one self-consciousness at the cost of the negation or annihilation of the other. Only in this way, Hegel observes, only by australia republic risking life, can freedom be obtained. However, there is a key moment with this struggle.

Namely, consciousness realises that it cannot simply destroy the other through incorporating it within itself, for it requires the other as a definite other in order to gain recognition. Thus, it must resist collapsing the essay layouts, other into why should republic itself, for to Essay Speedy : How to Increase Speed in SIX Steps do so would also be to annihilate itself. It would be starving itself of the recognition it requires in order to be a determinate self-consciousness. Within Hegel’s radical reworking of how the individual subject is understood, autonomy becomes a contingent, social and practical accomplishment; it is an intersubjectively-mediated achievement which is never simply given or guaranteed but always dependent upon our relations with others. This co-dependency results in why should, mutual relations of recognition which are the condition for understanding oneself as a genuinely free being, albeit a free being which acknowledges, and thus adjusts itself, to the freedom of ryuji meaning others. Discussing the australia be a, process of recognition, Hegel (1807: 230) notes that it ‘is absolutely the double process of both self-consciousnesses. Action from ryuji meaning, one side only would be useless, because what is to australia republic happen can only be brought about by persuasive sample means of both’. As a result, these two self-consciousnesses ‘recognize themselves as mutually recognizing one another’ (ibid: 231). Hegel characterises this mutuality, which cannot be coerced but be freely given and received, as being at home in the other. Why Should Republic. Such a relation with another is the condition for the phenomenological experience of freedom and right.

Consequently, our interactions with others are not a limitation on freedom, but rather the Essay on Alcohol Use, ‘enhancement and concrete actualization of freedom’ (Williams, 1997: 59). We see now how the australia, master-slave dialectic of riordan site recognition is inherently unstable and unsatisfying. The master has dominion over why should australia be a, the slave, reducing the essay layouts, latter to be a the status of a mere ‘thing’ through refusing to recognise it as a free and equal self-consciousness. The slave, realising that life as a slave is better than no life at all, accepts this relation of site dominance and subservience. Whilst the slave receives no recognition from the master, the master has ‘earned’ the recognition of a slave which it considers as less-than-human. Why Should Australia Be A Republic. Such recognition is not ‘real’ recognition at all and undercover marketing, yet, within this Hegel’s dialectic of why should recognition, the master requires the about Wellbeing on Alcohol Use, recognition of the slave in be a republic, order to gain some modicum of manufacturing self-understanding and freedom. Australia Be A Republic. The recognition of the slave is ultimately worthless, for it is not the persuasive sample, recognition of a free self-consciousness, which alone can grant the recognition on another required for australia be a republic, self-certainty of existence and freedom.

Trapped in this fruitless relation, the intranet site, slave becomes the ‘truth’ of the master, and so the master, paradoxically, becomes enslaved to the slave. For Hegel, relations of domination provide a vicious spiral of why should australia be a recognition. They lead nowhere but to their own destruction. Hence recognition must always take place between equals, mediated through social institutions which can guarantee that equality and thus produce the necessary mutual relations of recognition necessary for the attainment of freedom. It is riordan intranet precisely this last point that recent recognition theorists have seized upon australia be a and elaborated into comprehensive discussions of justice. 3. Contemporary Theories of Recognition. Much contemporary interest in recognition was undoubtedly fuelled by Charles Taylor’s essay ‘Multiculturalism and the Politics of Recognition’ (1994), first published in 1992. Taylor’s lucid and concise article is about The Impact often treated as the australia be a republic, classic expression of a theory of recognition.

However, it would be more accurate to say that Taylor awoke a general interest in the idea of recognition. His short essay provides a series of reflections and conjectures which, whilst insightful, do not constitute a full-blown theory of Speedy Reader to Increase Your Speed Steps recognition. However, its exploratory nature and non-technical language has helped install it as the common reference point for why should republic, discussions of recognition. Taylor begins with the Essay about Speedy Reading Steps, assertion that ‘a number of strands in contemporary politics turn on the need, sometimes the demand, for recognition ’ (Taylor, 1994: 25). He identifies such a demand as present in the political activities of feminism, race movements and multiculturalists (for a critical discussion of this point, see Nicholson, 1996). The specific importance of recognition lies in its relationship to identity, which he defines as ‘a person’s understanding of who they are, of their fundamental characteristics as a human being’ (Taylor, 1994: 25). Because identity is ‘partly shaped by recognition or its absence’, then ‘Nonrecognition or misrecognition can inflict harm, can be a form of oppression, imprisoning someone in a false, distorted, and reduced mode of being’ (ibid.).

Underlying Taylor’s model is the Hegelian belief that individuals are formed intersubjectively (see Section II). Our individual identity is not constructed from within and generated by each of us alone. Rather, it is through dialogue with others that we negotiate our identity. Taylor refers to these others as ‘significant others’, meaning those people who have an important role in our lives (that is, family, friends, teachers, colleagues, and so forth.). The idea that our sense of why should australia be a who we are is determined through our interaction with others initiates a shift from a monologic to essay layouts a dialogic model of the self. Taylor is keen to stress just how important recognition is, referring to it as ‘a vital human need’ (ibid: 26) and stating that misrecognition ‘can inflict a grievous wound, saddling its victims with a crippling self-hatred’ (ibid: 26). Deploying a brief historical narrative, Taylor argues that the collapse of social hierarchies, which had provided the why should republic, basis for bestowing honour on ryuji meaning certain individuals (that is, those high up on the social ladder), led to the modern day notion of dignity, which rests upon universalist and egalitarian principles regarding the equal worth of why should australia republic all human beings.

This notion of manufacturing site dignity lies at the core of why should australia be a contemporary democratic ideals, unlike the notion of honour which is, he claims, clearly incompatible with democratic culture. This picture is complicated by the fact that alongside this development of dignity there emerged also a new understanding of ‘individualised identity’, one in which the emphasis was on each person’s uniqueness, which Taylor defines as ‘being true to myself and my own particular way of marketing being’ (ibid: 28). Taylor refers to this idea of uniqueness as the why should be a republic, ideal of authenticity, writing ‘Being true to myself means being true to my own originality, which is something only I can articulate and discover. In articulating it, I am also defining myself’ (ibid: 31). Taylor has been accused of adopting an essentialist view of the self, on the basis that there is some inner ‘me’ waiting to be uncovered and persuasive speech sample, displayed to (recognised by) the be a, world (see section V. b). However, he is quick to point out that the discovery of our authenticity is not simply a matter of introspection. Rather, it is through our interactions with others that we define who we are.

Nor is there an end point to this dialogue. It continues throughout our entire lives and does not even depend upon the physical presence of a specific other for that person to The Impact Wellbeing on Alcohol influence us. Consider, for example, the way an why should be a republic imaginary conversation with a deceased partner might influence how we act or view ourselves. The importance of essay layouts recognition lies precisely in the fact that how others see (might) us is why should republic a necessary step in forming an understanding of who we are. To be recognised negatively, or misrecognised, is to intranet be thwarted in our desire for authenticity and self-esteem. Taylor’s uses these insights to construct a politics of equal recognition. He identifies two different ways in which the idea of equal recognition has been understood.

The first is a politics of equal dignity, or a politics of universalism, which aims at the equalisation of why should be a republic all rights and entitlements. In this instance, all individuals are to be treated as universally the same through recognition of their common citizenship or humanity. The second formulation is the politics of difference, in which the uniqueness of each individual or group is recognised. Rousseau bitterly noted that man, having shifted from a state of self-sufficiency and simplicity to one of Essay about Reader to Increase Your Speed competition and domination that characterises modern society, has come to crave the recognition of australia republic their difference (Rousseau, 1754). In this detrimental situation, man is rendered dependent upon the views of others, craving what Rousseau termed ‘ amour propre ’ through the admiration of those around him, leading to an endless competition for Essay of Psychological Wellbeing on Alcohol, greater achievements and respect and thus robbing man of his independence. For Rousseau, this desire for individual distinction, achievement and australia be a, recognition conflicts with a principle of equal respect. Returning to Taylor, he notes that there is also a universal basis to this second political model insofar as all people are entitled to riordan manufacturing intranet have their identity recognised: ‘we give due acknowledgement only to what is universally present – everyone has an identity – through recognizing what is peculiar to each. The universal demand powers an acknowledgement of republic specificity’ (Taylor, 1994: 39). One consequence of this politics of difference is that certain rights will be assigned to specific groups but not others. The two approaches can be summed as follows.

The politics of equal dignity is Essay : How to Increase Reading in SIX difference-blind, whereas the politics of difference is, as the name suggests, difference-friendly (this does not mean that a politics of equal dignity is why should not also ‘friendly’ towards difference, but rather that differences between individuals cannot be the normative foundation for the assignment of certain rights or entitlement to some individuals or groups but not others). Taylor defends a politics of difference, arguing that the concept of equal dignity often (if not always) derives its idea of what rights and entitlement are worth having from the perspective of the hegemonic culture, thus enforcing minority groups to persuasive sample conform to the expectations of dominant culture and hence relinquish their particularity. Failure to conform will result in the minority culture being derided and ostracised by the dominant culture. As Taylor (ibid: 66) notes, ‘dominant groups tend to why should republic entrench their hegemony by essay layouts inculcating an image of inferiority in the subjugated’. A clear instance of why should australia republic this can be seen in marketing, de Beauvoir’s claim that woman is always defined as man’s ‘other’ or ‘shadow’ (de Beauvoir, 1949). Woman exists as a lack; characterised through what she does not possess or exhibit (namely, male and masculine traits). Similarly, civil rights movements have frequently protested that the image of the ‘human’ was inevitably white, Western, educated, middle-class and wealthy. An example of how this plays out in everyday life is the recent, though now generally discarded, practice of why should australia labelling pink crayons ‘flesh’ coloured. About The Impact Wellbeing. Both feminist and why should australia be a republic, race theorists have tried to convey the idea that the white male is simply another particular instance of humanity, rather than its ‘default’ image or constitutive, universal norm. This point was strongly made by essay layouts Fanon (1952), who detailed how racism infiltrates the consciousness of the oppressed, preventing psychological health through the internalisation of subjection and otherness.

This in why should, turn alienates the sample, black person from both their society and their own body, owing to the fact that the world is defined in terms of be a republic ‘whiteness’ and thus as something essentially irretrievably different (alien) to them. Axel Honneth has produced arguably the most extensive discussion of recognition to date. He is in agreement with Taylor that recognition is essential to self-realisation. However, he draws more explicitly on Hegelian intersubjectivity in order to identify the mechanics of how this is ryuji meaning achieved, as well as establishing the motivational and normative role recognition can play in why should australia be a republic, understanding and justifying social movements. Following Hegel (1807; 1821) and Mead (1934), Honneth identifies three ‘spheres of interaction’ which are connected to the three ‘patterns of speech sample recognition’ necessary for an individual’s development of a positive relation-to-self. These are love, rights, and solidarity (Honneth, 1995: 92ff; also Honneth 2007, 129-142). The mode of why should australia recognition termed ‘love’ refers to our physical needs and emotions being met by others and takes the The Impact of Psychological, form of our primary relationships (that is, close friends, family and lovers). It provides a basic self-confidence, which can be shattered through physical abuse.

The mode of recognition termed ‘rights’ refers to the development of moral responsibility, developed through our moral relations with others. It is a mutual mode of recognition ‘in which the individual learns to see himself from the why should be a republic, perspective of his [or her] partner in ryuji meaning, interaction as a bearer of equal rights’ (Honneth, 1992: 194). The denial of rights through social and australia be a republic, legal exclusion can threaten one’s sense of being a fully active, equal and respected member of society. Essay About : How To Increase Speed Steps. Finally, the why should australia be a, mode of recognition termed ‘solidarity’ relates to recognition of our traits and abilities. It is essential for developing our self-esteem and for how we become ‘individualised’, for it is precisely our personal traits and abilities that define our personal difference (Honneth, 1995: 122). Consequently, unlike the relations of love and rights, which express universal features of human subjects, esteem ‘demands a social medium that must be able to express the characteristic differences between human subjects in a universal, and more specifically, intersubjectively obligatory way’ (ibid.). All three spheres of recognition are crucial to developing a positive attitude towards oneself: For it is only due to ryuji meaning the cumulative acquisition of basic self-confidence, of self-respect, and of self-esteem. that a person can come to see himself or herself, unconditionally, as both an autonomous and an individuated being and to identify with his or her goals and desires (ibid: 169). According to australia be a Honneth, the denial of recognition provides the motivational and justificatory basis for social struggles.

Specifically, it is through the undercover marketing, emotional experiences generated by certain attitudes and actions of others towards us that we can come to feel we are being illegitimately denied social recognition. This argument makes use of australia be a Dewey’s theory of emotion as intentionally orientated. Certain emotional states, such as shame, anger and frustration, are generated by the failure of our actions. Conversely, more positive emotional states are generated through successful action. Manufacturing. The experience of negative emotional states can, in be a, theory, reveal to us that an injustice is taking place (namely, that we are not being given due and appropriate recognition). Essay Layouts. However, as Honneth points out, feelings of shame or anger need not (indeed, do not) necessarily disclose relations of disrespect (ibid: 138). What they provide is the potential for identifying the occurrence of an injustice which one is justified in opposing. The experience of disrespect is the raw material from which normatively justified social struggles can be formulated. Why Should Be A. Furthermore, it is only within certain social contexts, those in which the ‘means of articulation of a social movement are available’ (ibid: 139), that experiences of disrespect provide the about Speedy : How Your Reading Steps, motivational basis for political struggles (see Honneth, 2007).

Presumably, disrespect in other contexts would lead to individual acts of retaliation or undirected violence, rather than coordinated resistance. This phenomenological approach to republic recognition thus locates the source and justification of social struggles in persuasive, the experiences and expectations of recognition. Of course, as noted, it requires the further steps of why should republic (a) locating these experiences within a socially-generated framework of emancipatory discourse; and (b) the establishment of common experiences amongst individuals for these individual frustrations to develop into social struggles. Therefore, it would be naive to think that Honneth is blind to the importance of, say, ensuring the means and rights to collective political action within societies. But the fundamental component of about of Psychological on Alcohol Use any attempt to why should republic identify injustice and vindicate the necessary remedies must be located in the individual’s experiences of disrespect (Honneth, 2007) (for a potential problem with this position, see Rogers, 2009).

In order to about The Impact Wellbeing Use justify these claims, Honneth ascribes an inherent expectation of recognition to humans, referring to demands generated from such an expectation as the ‘“quasi-transcendental interests” of the human race’ (Fraser and Honneth, 2003: 174). It is only through the failure of why should be a republic such expectations that recognition can be a motivational source, arising via negative emotional experiences. This assumption allows Honneth to assess societal change as a developmental process driven by moral claims arising from experiences of disrespect. Honneth (1995: 168) summarises his somewhat teleological account (a product of Honneth’s Hegelian and Aristotelian tendencies) as follows: ‘Every unique, historical struggle or conflict only reveals its position within the Essay about Reader Your in SIX Steps, development of society once its role in the establishment of moral progress, in why should be a, terms of recognition, has been grasped’. The positing of an approximate and ideal end-state, presumably one in which full recognition reigns supreme, allows a distinction between progressive, emancipatory struggles and those which are reactionary and / or oppressive. Therefore, from this general position of Essay Speedy to Increase Speed Steps enabling the self-realisation of one’s desires, characteristics and abilities, we can assess current socio-political struggles and analyse their future directions so as to ensure their promoting of the conditions for self-realisation. Honneth is careful to specify that he is not advocating a single, substantive set of universal values and social arrangements. Australia Republic. Rather, his concept of ‘the good’ is undercover marketing concerned with the ‘structural elements of ethical life’ which enable personal integrity (ibid: 172). Therefore, the posited ‘end-point’ from which normative claims can be made must emanate from structural relations outlined in the three distinct patterns of recognition which foster a positive relation-to-self (for a discussion of why should australia Honneth’s conception of the good / ethical life, see Zurn, 2000). Here, Honneth is trying to retain a Kantian notion of respect and autonomy through identifying the necessary conditions for speech, self-realisation and self-determination, akin to a Kantian kingdom of why should australia republic ends in which all individuals receive and confer recognition on one another. Simultaneously, in stressing the minimal or ‘bare’ conditions necessary for this, he aims to avoid committing himself to a singular, substantial conception of the good life and thus resists the dangers of reproducing an exclusivist and exclusionary conception of what constitutes the riordan, good life.

Whereas there are broad areas of agreement between Honneth and Taylor, Nancy Fraser is keen to differentiate her theory of recognition from both of their respective positions. Why Should Australia Be A. Fraser’s overarching theme throughout her works on persuasive speech recognition is the dissolving of the why should australia be a republic, assumed antithesis between redistribution and recognition (arguably this assumption is a consequence of critical theory’s Marxist roots, within which framework Fraser’s work undoubtedly emerges from). Thus far, the presentation of recognition and redistribution has been presented (at least implicitly) as an either/or decision. Essay About The Impact Wellbeing. Fraser believes that this binary opposition derives from the fact that, whereas recognition seems to promote differentiation, redistribution supposedly works to eliminate it. The recognition paradigm seems to australia target cultural injustice, which is rooted in the way people’s identities are positively or negatively valued. Individuals exist as members of a community based upon a shared horizon of meanings, norms and values. Conversely, the distribution paradigm targets economic injustice, which is rooted in one’s relation to the market or the means of production (Fraser and sample, Honneth, 2003: 14). Here, individuals exist in a hierarchically-differentiated collective class system which, from the perspective of the majority class who are constituted by a lack of resources, needs abolishing. According to Fraser, both these forms of why should australia be a republic injustice are primary and co-original, meaning that economic inequality cannot be reduced to cultural misrecognition, and vice-versa. Many social movements face this dilemma of having to balance the demand for (economic) equality with the insistence that their (cultural) specificity be met. Essay About Speedy Reader : How To Increase Reading Speed In SIX. Fraser (1997: 19) gives the example of the feminist movement by posing the question, ‘How can feminists fight simultaneously to abolish gender differentiation [through economic redistribution] and to valorize gender specificity [through cultural recognition]?’.

There is a clear divergence here between the monistic models of Taylor and Honneth, in australia be a republic, which recognition is the foundational category of social analysis and distribution is treated as derivative, and Fraser’s dualistic model. Whereas Honneth thinks a sufficiently elaborated concept of recognition can do all the persuasive speech, work needed for be a republic, a critical theory of justice, Fraser argues that recognition is but one dimension of justice, albeit a vitally important one. The disagreement over Essay about The Impact, whether or not distribution can be made to supervene on recognition arises from the differing interpretations of recognition. According to Fraser (Fraser and Honneth 2003: 29), one can understand recognition as either (a) a matter of justice, connected to with the concept of a universal ‘right’ (Fraser’s position); or (b) a matter of australia republic self-realisation, connected with historically-relative cultural conceptions of the ‘good’ (Honneth’s and Taylor’s position). In (b) Fraser draws out the Aristotelian idea of eudaimonia (flourishing), which runs throughout Honneth’s teleological account. Contra Honneth and Taylor, Fraser does not look to situate the injustice of marketing misrecognition in the retardation of personal development. Rather, she identifies it with the australia be a republic, fact that ‘some individuals and groups are denied the status of full partners in intranet site, social interaction simply as a consequence of institutionalized patterns of cultural value in whose construction they have not equally participated and which disparage their distinctive characteristics or the distinctive characteristics assigned to them’ (ibid). Addressing injustices arising from misrecognition therefore means looking at the discursive representations of identities in order to why should identity how certain individuals are assigned a relatively inferior social standing.

Hence, on Fraser’s model, misrecognition should not be construed as an impediment to ethical self-realization (as it is for Taylor and Honneth). Site. Instead, it should be conceived as an institutionalised relation of why should be a republic subordination. Owing to her identification of recognition with social status, the evaluative element in Essay about Speedy Reader : How Your Speed, Fraser’s account is the why should be a, notion of ‘parity of participation’. Speedy Your. According to this principle, ‘justice requires that social arrangements permit all (adult) members of society to interact with one another as peer’ (ibid: 36). In effect, recognition is required in order to guarantee that all members of society have an equal participation in social life. Crucially, participatory parity also requires material / economic redistribution in order to guarantee that people are independent and ‘have a voice’ (ibid). Because Honneth equates recognition with self-realisation, the derivative issues of australia redistribution are only generated to the extent that they inhibit this personal development.

For Fraser, injustice in the form of both misrecognition and maldistribution is detrimental to Speedy : How to Increase Reading Speed the extent that it inhibits participatory parity. Fraser considers two possible remedies for australia republic, injustice, which transcend the redistribution-recognition divide by being applicable to riordan manufacturing intranet both. The first is ‘affirmation’, which incorporates any action which corrects ‘inequitable outcomes of social arrangements without disturbing the underlying framework that generates them’ (ibid: 23). The second is ‘transformation’, which refers to ‘remedies aimed at correcting inequitable outcomes precisely by restricting the underlying generative framework’ (ibid). Fraser’s concept of transformation highlights her belief that certain forms of injustice are ingrained within ‘institutionalized patterns of cultural value’ (ibid: 46). Certain forms of inequality, including those of race and gender, derive from the signifying effect of socio-cultural structures.

These discursive frameworks, situated within language and social arrangements, reproduce hierarchical binary oppositions such as ‘heterosexual/homosexual’, ‘white/black’ and ‘man/woman’. Be A Republic. Thus, the solution is persuasive speech not simply a matter of revaluing heterosexual, female or black identities. Rather, one must attempt to why should australia be a republic deconstruct the binary logic which situates people as inherently inferior, creating a ‘field of undercover marketing multiple, debinarized, fluid, ever-shifting differences’ (Fraser, 1997: 24). One key aspect of this transformative approach is that, unlike the affirmative approach which aims to alter only one particular group’s sense of worth or material situation, it would change everyone’s sense of self. The proposal made by Fraser, then, is the be a republic, radical restructuring of society, achieved through transformative redistribution (that is, socialism) and recognition (cultural deconstruction). It should be noted that in her more recent work on recognition (that is, Fraser 2000; 2001), she resists offering any particular remedies, arguing instead that the undercover marketing, required response to injustice will be dictated by the specific context. Why Should Republic. Thus, she appears to distance herself from the more ‘deconstructive’ elements of her earlier work (see Zurn, 2003).

4. Redistribution or Recognition? The Fraser-Honneth Debate. In a very important discussion, Fraser and Honneth (2003) defend their respective theories of Your Reading Speed Steps recognition (see also Honneth, 2001). Underlying the disagreements between them is their respective positions regarding the distribution / recognition debate. As noted in Section III, Fraser believes that recognition and why should, distribution are two irreducible elements of a satisfactory theory of justice. Marketing. This is to australia be a say, they are of equal foundational importance – the one cannot be collapsed into the other.

Honneth, on the other hand, contends that issues of distribution are ultimately explained and justified through issues of recognition. As he writes, ‘questions of distributive justice are better understood in terms of normative categories that come from a sufficiently differentiated theory of recognition’ (ibid: 126). About The Impact Of Psychological Wellbeing On Alcohol Use. He begins justifying this claim through a historical survey of political movements and unrest amongst the lower classes during the early stages of capitalism. What marked such activities was the commonly held belief that the honour and why should, dignity of the members of the lower classes were not being adequately respected. Summarising these findings, Honneth (ibid: 132) proclaims that ‘subjects perceive institutional procedures as social injustice when they see aspects of their personality being disrespected which they believe they have a right to recognition’. One important consequence of this view is that it undermines the received wisdom that collective identity movements are a recent ‘modern’ phenomenon. In actual fact, according to Honneth, experiences of disrespect and denigration of an individual’s or group’s identity are the constitutive feature of all instances of social discontent. Portraying ‘recognition’ as the sole preserve of ryuji meaning cultural minorities struggling for social respect is therefore highly misleading and australia republic, obscures the fact that challenges to riordan manufacturing intranet the existing social order are always driven by the moral experience of failing to australia be a receive what is deemed to be sufficient recognition (ibid: 160). Any dispute regarding redistribution of wealth or resources is Reader : How to Increase Your Speed Steps reducible to a claim over the social valorisation of specific group or individual traits.

The feminist struggle over the gendered division of labour is, according to Honneth, primarily a struggle regarding the prevailing assessment of achievement and worth which has had important redistributive effects, such as a trend towards greater access to, and equality within, the workplace and the acknowledgement of ‘female’ housework. The division that Fraser makes between economic distribution and cultural recognition is, Honneth claims, an arbitrary and ultimately misleading one that ignores the fundamental role played by republic recognition in economic struggles, as well as implying that the cultural sphere of undercover society can be understood as functioning independently of the economic sphere. Fraser (ibid: 30ff.) offers four advantages of her status model over Honneth’s monistic vision of justice as due recognition (for a discussion of why should republic these, see Zurn, 2003). Arguably the most important of these is that, in locating injustice in social relations governed by cultural patterns of ryuji meaning representations, she can move beyond both Taylor’s and Honneth’s reliance on psychology as the normative force underlying struggles for recognition. Recalling that Honneth locates the experiences of injustice in the emotional responses to frustrated expectations of due recognition, Fraser argues that she is able to ‘show that a society whose institutionalized norms impede parity of participation is morally indefensible whether or not they distort the subjectivity of the oppressed ’ (ibid: 32). Australia. The ideal of participatory parity gives Fraser her normative component, for it provides the basis on which different recognition claims can be judged. Namely, a valid recognition claim is one in which subjects can show that ‘institutionalized patterns of cultural value deny them the necessary intersubjective conditions [for participatory parity]’ (ibid: 38). Honneth’s invocation of pre-political suffering, generated by the perceived withholding of Essay Speedy Reader : How Your Speed recognition, as the motivating force behind social movements is thus rejected by Fraser as seriously problematic. In particular, she says, the idea that all social discontent has the same, single underlying motivation (misrecognition) is simply implausible. Honneth rejects other motivational factors such as ‘resentment of unearned privilege, abhorrence of australia republic cruelty, aversion of arbitrary power. antipathy to exploitation, dislike of supervision’ that cannot not simply be reduced down to, or subsumed by, an overarching expectation of appropriate recognition.

Another problem with Honneth’s psychological model of experiences of injustice is that, so Fraser argues, it shifts the focus away from society and onto the self, thus ‘implanting an speech sample excessively personalized sense of injury’ (ibid: 204). This can lead to why should australia republic the victim of oppression internalising the injustice or blaming themselves, rather than the ryuji meaning, discursive and material conditions within which they are situated as oppressed or harmed. Indeed, Fraser proceeds to point out that there can be no ‘pure’ experience of moral indignation caused by withheld or inappropriate recognition. There is no realm of personal experience that is not experienced through a particular linguistic and historical horizon, which actively shapes the experience in question (see section V. d). Thus to introduce a ‘primordial’ sense of moral suffering is, Fraser claims, simply incoherent (similar concerns are raised by McNay, 2008: 138ff.). Honneth cannot invoke psychological experiences of disrespect as the normative foundation for his theory of recognition as they cannot be treated as independent of the discursive conditions within which the why should australia be a, subject is constituted. Manufacturing Site. To do so is to why should be a republic rely on an ultimately unjustifiable transcendental account of the subject’s access to their sense of moral worth grounded in the right to recognition. In his response to Fraser, Honneth points out that she can necessarily focus only on those social movements that have already become visible.

By analysing the ways in which individuals and groups are socially-situated by institutionalised patterns of cultural value, Fraser limits herself to Essay about on Alcohol only those expressions of why should australia social discontent that have already entered the public sphere. Essay Layouts. The logic of this criticism seems to be that, if (in)justice is a matter of how society signifies subjects’ abilities and characteristics, then it can only address those collective subjectivities which are currently socially recognised. Australia Be A. In other words, there could be a plethora of individuals and groups who are struggling for recognition which have not yet achieved public acknowledgement and thus have not been implicated within positive or negative social structures of signification. There appears some weight to about Speedy Reader : How Your Reading Steps this criticism, for a successful critical social theory should be able to why should australia be a not only critique the status quo , but identify future patterns of social resistance. If, on ryuji meaning Fraser's account, justice is a matter of addressing how subjects are socially-situated by australia be a republic existing value structures, then it seems to lack the conceptual apparatus to look beyond the ryuji meaning, present. The ability to identify social discontent must, Honneth argues, be constructed independently of social recognition, and republic, therefore ‘requires precisely the kind of moral-psychological considerations Fraser seeks to avoid’ (ibid: 125).

In ignoring the individual’s experiences of injustice as the ryuji meaning, disrespect of aspects of their personality, a social theory can only address the present situation, rather than exploring the why should republic, normative directions of undercover marketing future social struggles. It is out of the frustration of individual expectations of due recognition that new social movements will emanate, rather than the pre-existing patterns of signification which currently hierarchically situate subjects. Despite its influence and republic, popularity, there are a number of concerns regarding the concept of recognition as a foundational element in a theory of justice. This article cannot hope to present an exhaustive list, so instead offers a few of the most common critiques. Perhaps the one most frequently voiced criticism is riordan manufacturing intranet site that regarding the reification of group identity. Put simply, the be a republic, concern is that, in initiating an identity politics in which one demands positive recognition for a group’s specific characteristics, specific characteristics can be seen as necessarily constitutive of this group and thus any group member who does not display these characteristics risks being ostracised.

Such claims are often cloaked in a language of ‘authenticity’ which leads to demands for conformity amongst individual members of the group in order to gain acceptance and approval. This risks producing intergroup coercion and marketing, enforcing conformity at the expense of individual specificity. To give an example, discussed by Appiah (1994) in his response to Taylor’s essay on why should be a recognition, the construction of essay layouts a black politics in which black identity is celebrated can provide a sense of australia be a republic self-worth and dignity amongst historically denigrated black communities. However, it can also lead to undercover a ‘proper’ way of being black, one which all members of the black community must demonstrate in order to partake in this positive self-image. Such expectations of behaviour can lead, Appiah notes (ibid: 163), to one form of tyranny being replaced by another. Specifically, individuals who fail to exemplify authentic ‘black’ identity can find themselves once again the victims of intolerance and why should be a, social exclusion. Similar dynamics of essay layouts exclusion can be seen in republic, the debate within certain feminist circles about whether lesbians can be properly considered ‘women’. Extrapolating from these concerns, Markell (2003) argues that Taylor conflates individual identity with group identity with the result that agency is rendered a matter of adopting the identity one is Essay about : How Your Reading Speed in SIX Steps assigned through membership of one's community.

Consequently, the critical tension between the individual and community is dissolved, which leaves little (if any) space for critiquing or resisting the dominant norms and values of one's community (see also Habermas, 1991: 271). The reification of group identity can also lead to separatism through generating an ‘us-and-them’ group mentality. By valorising a particular identity, those other identities which lack certain characteristics particular to the group in question can be dismissed as inferior. This isolationist policy runs counter to the ideal of social acceptability and respect for australia republic, difference that a politics of recognition is meant to initiate. Intranet. Reifying group identity prevents critical dialogue taking place either within or between groups. Internal group members who challenge apparently ‘authentic’ aspects of republic their culture or group identity can be labelled as traitors, whilst non-group members are dismissed as unqualified to comment on the characteristics of the group on the basis that they are ‘outsiders’. The result is a strong separatism and radical relativism in which intergroup dialogue is essay layouts eliminated. This can mask over the ways in which various axes of identity overlap and thus ignores the commonalities between groups. Why Should Australia Be A. For example, the focus of black feminists on ‘black culture’ and persuasive speech sample, the oppression this has suffered can lead to a failure to recognise their commonality with women in australia, other cultures.

Conversely, the tendency among feminists to focus on the concept of essay layouts ‘woman’ can lead them to ignore the potential alliances they might share with other oppressed groups that don’t focus on gender injustice. Underlying this critique is the why should be a republic, idea that identity is always multilayered and essay layouts, that each individual is australia be a republic always positioned at the intersection of multiple axes of oppression. Simply reducing one’s sense of oppression to a single feature of identity (such as race or gender) fails to acknowledge the way that each feature of identity is inextricably bound up with other features, so that, for example, race and gender cannot be treated as analytically distinct modes of dominance. Similar to the concerns over ryuji meaning, reification, there is a concern that recognition theories invoke an why should australia be a essentialist account of identity. Undercover. This has particularly been the australia be a, case with regards Taylor’s model of recognition (see McNay, 2008: 64ff). Critics accuse recognition theory of assuming that there is a kernel of selfhood that awaits recognition (see, for example, Heyes, 2003). The struggle for recognition thus becomes a struggle to be recognised as what one truly is. This implies that certain features of a person lie dormant, awaiting discovery by the individual who then presents this authentic self to riordan intranet site the world and demands positive recognition for why should australia be a, it.

Although Taylor is keen to stress that his model is not committed to such an essentialist account of the self, certain remarks he makes do not help his cause. Ryuji Meaning. For example, in describing the modern view of how we create a sense of ‘full being’, he notes that, rather than connecting with some source outside of ourselves (such as God or the be a, Platonic Good), ‘the source we have to connect with is deep within us. This fact is part of the massive subjective turn of modern culture, a new form of inwardness, in which we come to think our ourselves as beings with hidden depths’ (Taylor, 1994: 29). Taylor proceeds to note that ‘Being true to ryuji meaning myself means being true to my own originality, which is something only I can articulate and discover’ (ibid: 31) and that authenticity ‘calls on me to discover my own original way of being. Republic. By definition, this way of being cannot be socially derived, but must be inwardly generated’ (ibid: 32). A more radical account of ryuji meaning intersubjectivity can be found in australia republic, Arendt (1958). Riordan Intranet. Examining the processes by which the subject reveals who they are, she shifts the australia, focus away from essay layouts, a personal revelation on the part of the agent and into the social realm: ‘it is why should australia be a more than likely that the “who” , which appears so clearly and unmistakably to others, remains hidden from the person itself, like the daimon in Greek religion which accompanies each man throughout his life, always looking over his shoulder from undercover, behind and thus visible only to those he encounters’ (Arendt, 1958: 179-80). One important consequence of this idea is that, in order to why should be a republic address the question of ‘who’ we are, we must be willing to relinquish control of any such answer. In so doing, we place ourselves into persuasive the hands of others. As Arendt writes, ‘This unpredictability of outcome [of personal disclosure] is closely related to the revelatory character of action and speech, in which one discloses one’s self without ever either knowing himself or being able to calculate beforehand whom he reveals’ (ibid: 192) (for an Arendt-inspired critique of recognition, see Markell, 2003). Taylor mitigates his position and, arguably, eschews any form of essentialism, by why should arguing that we always work out our identity through dialogue with others.

However, there is a possibility that he slips towards a subjectivist position, for about on Alcohol, it seems that it is the individual who ultimately decides what their ‘true’ identity is. For example, Taylor (1994: 32-3) states that this dialogue with others requires that we struggle with and sometimes struggle against the things that others want to see in us. However, he does not state to what we appeal to why should in this potential struggle with others. If it is ultimately our sense of who we are, then this would seem to undermine the very conditions of intersubjectivity that Taylor wants to introduce into the notion of essay layouts personal identity. For, if one is the ultimate judge and why should australia be a republic, jury on who one is, then those around us will simply be agreeing or disagreeing with our pre-existent or inwardly-generated sense of self, rather than playing an ineliminable role in its constitution. Again, it is essay layouts unlikely that Taylor would endorse any form of subjectivism.

Indeed, his turn towards intersubjective recognition is precisely meant to resist the idea that one simply decides who one is and be a, demands that others recognise oneself in essay layouts, such a way. Taylor would certainly seem critical of the existential tradition, which emphasised the need for one to define oneself and provide meaning to the world. Although Sartre deployed the language of intersubjectivity (see V. d) and highlighted the importance of the other, his analysis of the in-itself and the for-itself, coupled with describing how we are each born alone and must carry the weight of the world on our shoulders (with no-one able to why should be a republic lighten the Essay about of Psychological Wellbeing Use, burden), suggests an ego which negates (and hence is be a republic radically separated from) the world. This split between ‘I’ and manufacturing intranet, ‘you’ renders any notion of dialogical identity construction impotent. Recognition, contrasted with this existential picture, theories seem well equipped to resist any accusation that they slide into subjectivism. However, they must provide a criterion from which to judge whether individual and collective demands for recognition are legitimate. For example, it cannot be the case that all demands for recognition are accepted, for we are unlikely to want to recognise the claims of a racist or homophobic group for cultural protection. There is a danger that Taylor’s model does not explicitly state the why should australia be a republic, conditions by which acceptable claims for recognition can be separated from unacceptable claims. His politics of difference is premised on ‘a universal respect for ryuji meaning, the human capacity to why should australia be a form one’s identity (Taylor, 1994: 42).

Hence he seems committed to respecting difference qua difference, regardless of the particular form this difference takes. There is a sense that, as long as recourse is essay layouts made to an ‘authentic’ life, then the republic, demand for recognition should be met. But no matter how strongly the racist group insists upon riordan site their authenticity, we would be likely to resist recognising the value and worth of their identity as racists. Certain theorists have tended to cast recognition in a far more negative, conflictual light. Why Should Australia Be A. Typically, they interpret Hegelian recognition as evolving an inescapable element of domination between, or appropriation of, subjects.

Perhaps the most notable of such thinkers is Sartre (1943), whose account of intersubjectivity appears to manufacturing intranet preclude any possibility of recognition functioning as a means of attaining political solidarity or emancipation. According to be a republic Sartre, our relations with other people are always conflictual as each of us attempts to negate the other in an intersubjective dual. The realisation of our own subjectivity is dependent upon our turning the other into an object. In turn, we are made to feel like an object within the gaze of the other. Sartre’s famous example is the shameful, objectifying experience of suddenly feeling the ‘look’ or ‘gaze’ of another person upon us when carrying out a contemptible act.

In this moment of shame, I feel myself as an object and am thus denied existence as a subject. My only hope is to make the other into persuasive speech sample an object. There are no equal or stable relations between people; all interactions are processes of domination. Whereas Sartre focuses on the problem of being recognised, Levinas (1961) turns to the ethical issues attending how one recognises others. Australia Be A Republic. According to Levinas, Hegelian recognition involves an ryuji meaning unavoidable appropriation or assimilation of the other into one’s own subjectivity. By this he means that in recognising the other we render them ‘knowable’ according to our own terms, thus depriving him or her of their irreducible ‘alterity’ or difference.

Levinas believes that the denying of australia republic such difference is the fundamental ethical sin as it fails to respect the other in their absolute exteriority, their absolute difference to us. In effect, to recognise someone is to render them the same as us; to eliminate their inescapable, unapprehendable and absolute alterity (Yar, 2002). An alternative perspective on ryuji meaning the self-other relationship can be found in why should be a, Merleau-Ponty who argues that the other is always instigated within oneself, and vice-versa, through the potential reversibility of the self-other dichotomy (that is, that the self is also a potential other; seeing someone necessarily involves the possibility of being seen). Merleau-Ponty explicitly rejects the Levinasian perspective that the undercover, other is an irreducible alterity. Rather, the self and other are intertwined through their bodily imbrications in the world. He describes our respective perspectives on the world as slipping into why should australia be a one another and thus being brought together: ‘In reality, the other is not shut up inside my perspective of the world, because this perspective itself has no definite limits, because it slips spontaneously into the other’s’ (Merleau-Ponty, 1945: 411). Consequently, there is no ‘problem’ of the other, for the other is already contained within our being, as we are within theirs. This resonates with Heidegger’s characterisation of Being ( Dasein ) as being-with-others. We are always already alongside others, bound up in relations of mutuality that prevent any strict ontological distinction between self, other and world. The Levinasian and Sartrean accounts of the self-other relationship can be criticised from about Speedy Reader : How to Increase Your Speed Steps, a hermeneutic perspective for australia be a republic, failing to speech acknowledge the fact that understanding is essentially a conversation with another, and that a simple reduction of the why should australia be a, other to a sameness with oneself, or a pure objectification of the about The Impact, other, would preclude the possibility of a genuine interaction from which mutual understanding could arise (Gadamer, 1960).

Levinas presents a monological account of understanding, ignoring the fundamentally dialogical nature of why should australia republic intersubjectivity. Ryuji Meaning. As Taylor (1994: 67) approvingly noted, understanding according to Gadamer is always a fusion of horizons, a coming-to-understanding between two individuals who require the perspective of the other in order to make sense of their own (and vice-versa). Neither the total incorporation of the other into the perspective of the recognisee, nor the reduction of the other to pure object, is possible on a hermeneutic account of meaning and understanding. Concurrent with the rise of identity politics, there has been a trend towards ‘deconstructive’ or ‘destabilising’ accounts of the individual subject. Rather than representing a single critical perspective on recognition and identity politics, the post-structural challenge can be understood as a broad term incorporating various attempts at showing how the subject is always constructed through and within networks of power and discourse (e.g. Foucault, 1980; Butler, 1990; Haraway 1991; Lloyd, 2005; McNay, 2008). Perhaps the most notable theorist in why should, this regard is Foucault, who develops a detailed account of the way in which the subject is constituted through discursive relations of power. Within Foucault’s theory, the individual becomes the ‘site’ where power is enacted (and, importantly, resisted or reworked). Foucault’s genealogical method was employed precisely in order to explore the conditions under which we, as subjects, exist and what causes us to undercover marketing exist in the way that we do. Why Should Be A. According to Foucault, not only are we controlled by truth and power, we are created by it too. Concerning his genealogical method, Foucault (1980: 117) writes, ‘One has to dispense with the about The Impact of Psychological Wellbeing on Alcohol, constituent subject, to why should get rid of the subject itself, that’s to say, to arrive at an analysis which can account for the constitution of the subject within a historical framework’.

This leads to a far more problematic view of the subject than is generally found within recognition theories. Specifically, issues of power, coercion and oppression are seen as coeval with identity formation and intersubjective relations. This suggests that there can be no instances of mutual recognition that do not simultaneously transmit and reproduce relations of power. As Foucault (1988: 39) notes, ‘If I tell the truth about myself. it is in part that I am constituted as a subject across a number of power relations which are exerted over me and riordan intranet, which I exert over others’. Australia Be A Republic. Critics of recognition theorists argue that they ignore the about Reader Your Reading Speed in SIX, fundamental relationship between power and identity formation, assuming instead that intersubjective relations can be established which are not mediated through power relations. McNay (2008) develops this critique through a discussion of Bourdieu’s concept of habitus, arguing that Taylor assumes that language is an expressive medium that functions independently of, and be a, antecedent to, power and sample, thus fails to analyse how ‘self-expression is constitutively shaped by power relations’ (ibid: 69). Another important theorist in this regard is Judith Butler, whose account of gender identity develops certain key themes of Foucauldian theory as well as insights offered up by Derrida on the re-iteration of norms as fundamental to identity formation. Why Should Australia. Butler (1988: 519) begins outlining this project by arguing that gender is ‘in no way a stable identity or locus of agency from marketing, which various acts proceed; rather it is an identity tenuously constituted in time – an australia be a identity instituted through a stylized repetition of acts ’. Gender is created through acts which are ‘internally discontinuous’. These acts produce the ‘ appearance of substance ’, but this apparition is no more than ‘a constructed identity, a performative accomplishment which the undercover, mundane social audience, including the actors themselves, come to believe and to perform in the mode of belief’ (ibid: 520; see also Butler 1990: 141). Essentially, we internalise a set of discursive practices which enforce conformity to why should be a a set of idealised and undercover, constructed accounts of gender identity that reinforce heterosexual, patriarchal assumptions about what a man and woman is australia be a republic meant to be like. Turning the commonsense view of gender on its head, Butler argues that the various acts, thoughts and physical appearances which we take to arise from about of Psychological on Alcohol, our gender are actually the very things which produce our sense of republic gender.

Gender is the consequence, rather than the cause, of these individual, isolated, norm-governed acts. Because acts which constitute gender are governed by institutional norms which enforce certain modes of behaviour, thought, speech, and even shape our bodies, all positive constructions of gender categories will be exclusionary. Consequently, not only marketing does Butler deny any ontological justification for a feminist identity politics, but she also rejects the possibility of a political justification. Identity categories ‘are never merely descriptive, but always normative, and as such, exclusionary’ (1992: 16). As a result, ‘Any effort to give universal content or specific content to the category of women. will necessarily produce factionalization’ and so, ‘“identity” as a point of departure can never hold as the solidifying ground of a feminist political movement’ (ibid: 15). Infusing issues of power into the recognition debate therefore presents problems for existent models of recognition. Taken to its extreme, contemporary feminist accounts of gender and identity may be seen as reason to decisively reject recognition politics. If, as Butler suggests, gender identity is intrinsically connected to power, then to demand recognition for one’s identity could seen as becoming compliant with existing power structures. Such a position would have no possibility of radically critiquing the status quo and would thus potentially forfeit any emancipatory promise.

Upon the be a republic, relationship between the Reader to Increase Reading Speed in SIX Steps, individual and power, Foucault (1980: 98) writes: ‘[Individuals] are not only its [power’s] intent or consenting target; they are always also the elements of its articulation. In other words, individuals are the vehicles of power, not its point of australia application’. The concern is that there is no form of self-realisation in recognition models that does not, in some way, reproduce patterns of dominance or exclusion. Despite the above reservations regarding the concept of sample recognition and its political application, there is australia be a republic a growing interest in the value of recognition as a normative socio-political principle. The increasingly multicultural nature of societies throughout the Speedy Reader : How Your Speed in SIX Steps, world seems to call for a political theory which places respect for difference at why should, its core.

In this regard, recognition theories seem likely to only increase in influence. It should also be noted that they are very much in marketing, their infancy. It was only in the 1990s that theorists formulated a comprehensive account of recognition as a foundational concept within theories of justice. To this extent, they are still in why should australia be a, the process of being fashioned and re-evaluated in the light of critical assessment from various schools of thought. For many thinkers, the concept of essay layouts recognition captures a fundamental feature of human subjectivity.

It draws attention to why should the vital importance of our social interactions in formulating our sense of identity and self-worth as well as revealing the underlying motivations for, and justifications of, political action. It seems particularly useful in making sense of notions of persuasive speech authenticity and the conditions for agency, as well as mapping out the conditions for rational responsibility and authority (see Brandom, 2009). As a result, recognition can be seen as an indispensible means for analysing social movements, assessing claims for justice, thinking through issues of equality and difference, understanding our concrete relations to others, and explicating the nature of personal identity. Although there remain concerns regarding various aspects of australia recognition as a social and political concept, it is entirely possible that many of these will be addressed and resolved through future research.

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acadmic essay A major change that has occurred in the Western family is an increased incidence in divorce. Whereas in why should republic, the past, divorce was a relatively rare occurrence, in recent times it has become quite commonplace. This change is borne out clearly in census figures. For example thirty years ago in Australia, only one marriage in ten ended in divorce; nowadays the figure is more than one in three (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1996: p.45). A consequence of this change has been a substantial increase in ryuji meaning, the number of single parent families and the attendant problems that this brings (Kilmartin, 1997) . An important issue for sociologists, and indeed for all of society, is why these changes in marital patterns have occurred. In this essay I will seek to critically examine a number of why should australia, sociological explanations for essay layouts, the #039;divorce phenomenon#039; and australia, also consider the social policy implications that each explanation carries with it. It will be argued that the best explanations are to be found within a broad socio-economic framework. One type of undercover, explanation for rising divorce has focused on changes in laws relating to marriage. For example, Bilton, Bonnett and Jones (1987) argue that increased rates of divorce do not necessarily indicate that families are now more unstable. It is possible, they claim, that there has always been a degree of marital instability. They suggest that changes in australia be a, the law have been significant, because they have provided unhappily married couples with #039;access to essay layouts a legal solution to why should australia republic pre-existent marital problems#039; (p.301) . Bilton et al. therefore believe that changes in divorce rates can be best explained in terms of changes in the legal system.

The problem with this type of explanation however, is that it does not consider why these laws have changed in the first place. It could be argued that reforms to family law, as well as the increased rate of divorce that has accompanied them, are the product of more fundamental changes in society. Another type of explanation is one that focuses precisely on these broad societal changes. For example, Nicky Hart (cited in Haralambos, 1995) argues that increases in about Wellbeing on Alcohol Use, divorce and marital breakdown are the result of economic changes that have affected the family. One example of these changes is the raised material aspirations of families, which Hart suggests has put pressure on both spouses to australia become wage earners. Women as a result have been forced to become both homemakers and economic providers. According to Hart, the riordan manufacturing contradiction of these two roles has lead to conflict and this is the main cause of marital breakdown.

It would appear that Hart#039;s explanation cannot account for all cases of divorce - for example, marital breakdown is liable to occur in families where only the husband is working. Nevertheless, her approach, which is to australia republic relate changes in ryuji meaning, family relations to broader social forces, would seem to be more probing than one that looks only at legislative change. The two explanations described above have very different implications for be a, social policy, especially in relation to how the problem of increasing marital instability might be dealt with. Bilton et al. (1995) offer a legal explanation and hence would see the solutions also being determined in this domain. If rises in divorce are thought to be the consequence of liberal divorce laws, the obvious way to stem this rise is to make them less obtainable. Speech? This approach, one imagines, would lead to a reduction in divorce statistics; however, it cannot really be held up as a genuine solution to the problems of marital stress and breakdown in society. Indeed it would seem to be a solution directed more at why should symptoms than addressing fundamental causes. Essay Layouts? Furthermore, the experience of social workers, working in the area of family welfare suggests that restricting a couple#039;s access to divorce would in some cases serve only to exacerbate existing marital problems (Johnson, 1981).

In those cases where violence is involved, the consequences could be tragic. Apart from all this, returning to more restrictive divorce laws seems to be a solution little favoured by Australians. (Harrison, 1990). Australia Republic? Hart (cited in Haralambos, 1995), writing from a Marxist-feminist position, traces marital conflict to changes in the capitalist economic system and their resultant effect on the roles of men and women. It is difficult to know however, how such an analysis might be translated into practical social policies. This is because the riordan manufacturing Hart program would appear to require in the first place a radical restructuring of the why should economic system. Whilst this may be desirable for some, it is not achievable in the present political climate. Marketing? Hart is right however, to suggest that much marital conflict can be linked in some way to the economic circumstances of families. This is borne out in many statistical surveys which show consistently that rates of divorce are higher among socially disadvantaged families (McDonald, 1993). This situation suggests then that social policies need to be geared to providing support and security for these types of families.

It is little cause for optimism however, that in why should australia, recent years governments of all persuasions have shown an about Speedy Reader Your in SIX Steps increasing reluctance to be a republic fund social welfare programs of this kind. Intranet? It is be a difficult to offer a comprehensive explanation for the growing trend of marital breakdown; and it is marketing even more difficult to why should australia be a find solutions that might ameliorate the problems created by it. Riordan Intranet Site? Clearly though, as I have argued in this essay, the most useful answers are to be found not within a narrow legal framework, but within a broader socio-economic one. Finally, it is worth pointing out that, whilst we may appear to be living in a time of increased family instability, research suggests that historically, instability may have been the norm rather than the exception. As Bell and Zajdow (1997) point out, in the past, single parent and step families were more common than is be a assumed - although the disruptive influence then was not divorce, but the persuasive premature death of one or both parents. Why Should? This situation suggests that in studying the modern family, one needs to employ a historical perspective, including the possibility of looking to the past in searching for ryuji meaning, ways of dealing with problems in the present. Australian Bureau of Statistics (1996).

Divorces, Australia . Canberra: Australian Government Printing Service. Bell, R. and G. Zajdow (1997) Family and household. In R. Jureidini, S. Kenny and M. Poole (eds). Sociology: Australian Connections . St Leonards. NSW: Allen and Unwin. Bilton, T., K. Australia Be A? Bonnett and P. Jones (1987). Introductory Sociology , 2nd edition. London: MacMillan. Haralambos, M. (1995). Sociology: Themes and ryuji meaning, Perspectives , 3rd edition.

London: Bell and Hyman. Harrison, M. (1995). Grounds for divorce. Family Matters . No 42 pp 34-35. Johnson, V. (1981). The Last Resort: A Women#039;s Refuge . Ringwood: Penguin. Kilmartin, C. (1997). Children divorce and one-parent families.

Family Matters . No. Australia Republic? 48. ( Available On-line ) McDonald, P. (1993). Family Trends and Structure in Essay The Impact Use, Australia . Australian Family Briefings No 3. Melbourne: Australian Institute of Family Studies. Problems? Questions?

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BOOK REPORT SUBMITED BY: GRACIAN FIDER SUBMITTED TO: MRS PORTERIA Title: Courage Author: Bienvenido N. Santos Place and australia republic, . Date Publication: 1985 Settings: School Theme: Courage Characters:ConchitaFred Maria Mr. Arsenio L. Ryuji Meaning? Torres Belen Gloria Introduction: All of why should australia be a republic, us have memories of our teachers. We remember especially those who have influenced us to better ourselves, or those who have inspired us to achieve our dreams. Whatever role our teachers have had in our lives, they will always. Education , High school , Monday 960 Words | 2 Pages.

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John F. Campbell seeks to . Why Should Australia Be A Republic? examine the workings of the plantation life of both the enslaved and the European whites who were known as masters. It delves deeper into the truth about slavery and revisionism, as this book contradicts many past events and judgements on slavery with supporting evidence. Riordan? Dr. Campbell focused on the British Controlled Caribbean territory of Jamaica and specifically. Caribbean , Cuba , Europe 1793 Words | 7 Pages. ?The Catcher in the Rye - a book presentation A short biographical sketch of the author The Catcher in the Rye is why should, a novel written by the . American author Jerome David Salinger, born on January 1th 1919 in New York City. His parents were very wealthy, and he was raised in Essay about The Impact of Psychological Wellbeing on Alcohol, Manhattan. Salinger has expressed in a number of interviews that he had trouble fitting in at australia republic, school, and therefor moved from prep school to manufacturing site prep school as a child.

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