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concept cover letter My Dear Fellow Clergymen: While confined here in the Birmingham city jail, I came across your recent statement calling my present activities unwise and untimely. Seldom do I pause to answer criticism of my work and ideas. If I sought to answer all the criticisms that cross my desk, my secretaries would have little time for anything other than such correspondence in holden caulfield the course of the day, and I would have no time for constructive work. But since I feel that you are men of genuine good will and that your criticisms are sincerely set forth, I want to try to is FreedomWorks? answer your statement in what I hope will be patient and holden and phoebe reasonable terms. I think I should indicate why I am here in Birmingham, since you have been influenced by what the view which argues against outsiders coming in. I have the honor of serving as president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in every southern state, with headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some eighty five affiliated organizations across the South, and one of them is the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. Frequently we share staff, educational and financial resources with our affiliates.

Several months ago the affiliate here in Birmingham asked us to be on call to engage in a nonviolent direct action program if such were deemed necessary. We readily consented, and when the hour came we lived up to our promise. So I, along with several members of my staff, am here because I was invited here. I am here because I have organizational ties here. But more basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. And Phoebe? Just as the prophets of the eighth century B.C. left their villages and carried their thus saith the wiki, Lord far beyond the boundaries of their home towns, and just as the caulfield, Apostle Paul left his village of Tarsus and carried the on What is FreedomWorks?, gospel of Jesus Christ to the far corners of the Greco Roman world, so am I compelled to carry the gospel of freedom beyond my own home town. Like Paul, I must constantly respond to the Macedonian call for holden caulfield, aid. Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states.

I cannot sit idly by in what is globalisation in business Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in holden caulfield and phoebe Birmingham. What? Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial outside agitator idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can never be considered an holden caulfield outsider anywhere within its bounds. You deplore the demonstrations taking place in people o'connor Birmingham. But your statement, I am sorry to say, fails to express a similar concern for the conditions that brought about the holden caulfield and phoebe, demonstrations. I am sure that none of you would want to rest content with the superficial kind of social analysis that deals merely with effects and does not grapple with underlying causes. Is FreedomWorks?? It is unfortunate that demonstrations are taking place in Birmingham, but it is even more unfortunate that the city's white power structure left the Negro community with no alternative. In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: collection of the facts to determine whether injustices exist; negotiation; self purification; and direct action.

We have gone through all these steps in Birmingham. There can be no gainsaying the fact that racial injustice engulfs this community. Birmingham is probably the most thoroughly segregated city in caulfield and phoebe the United States. On What Is FreedomWorks?? Its ugly record of brutality is widely known. Negroes have experienced grossly unjust treatment in the courts.

There have been more unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than in caulfield any other city in the nation. These are the hard, brutal facts of the case. On the basis of these conditions, Negro leaders sought to negotiate with the city fathers. But the latter consistently refused to Essay on What engage in holden good faith negotiation. Then, last September, came the opportunity to talk with leaders of Birmingham's economic community. Rating? In the course of the caulfield and phoebe, negotiations, certain promises were made by the merchants--for example, to remove the stores' humiliating racial signs. Bruce? On the basis of these promises, the Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth and the leaders of the Alabama Christian Movement for and phoebe, Human Rights agreed to a moratorium on all demonstrations. As the weeks and months went by, we realized that we were the victims of a broken promise.

A few signs, briefly removed, returned; the almighty, others remained. As in so many past experiences, our hopes had been blasted, and the shadow of caulfield and phoebe deep disappointment settled upon us. We had no alternative except to prepare for direct action, whereby we would present our very bodies as a means of laying our case before the almighty rating, conscience of the local and holden caulfield the national community. Mindful of the difficulties involved, we decided to undertake a process of self purification. We began a series of workshops on machiavelli, nonviolence, and we repeatedly asked ourselves: Are you able to accept blows without retaliating? Are you able to endure the ordeal of jail? We decided to schedule our direct action program for the Easter season, realizing that except for Christmas, this is the main shopping period of the year. Knowing that a strong economic-withdrawal program would be the by product of direct action, we felt that this would be the best time to bring pressure to bear on caulfield and phoebe, the merchants for the needed change. Then it occurred to us that Birmingham's mayoral election was coming up in March, and we speedily decided to wiki postpone action until after election day.

When we discovered that the Commissioner of Public Safety, Eugene Bull Connor, had piled up enough votes to be in the run off, we decided again to postpone action until the day after the run off so that the demonstrations could not be used to cloud the issues. Like many others, we waited to see Mr. And Phoebe? Connor defeated, and to this end we endured postponement after postponement. Having aided in this community need, we felt that our direct action program could be delayed no longer. You may well ask: Why direct action? Why sit ins, marches and so forth? Isn't negotiation a better path? You are quite right in calling for negotiation. Indeed, this is the very purpose of country o'connor direct action.

Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored. My citing the and phoebe, creation of tension as part of the is globalisation, work of the holden caulfield, nonviolent resister may sound rather shocking. But I must confess that I am not afraid of the word tension. I have earnestly opposed violent tension, but there is a type of constructive, nonviolent tension which is necessary for growth. Just as Socrates felt that it was necessary to create a tension in the mind so that individuals could rise from the bondage of poem myths and half truths to the unfettered realm of creative analysis and caulfield and phoebe objective appraisal, so must we see the need for nonviolent gadflies to create the kind of tension in society that will help men rise from the machiavelli, dark depths of prejudice and racism to the majestic heights of understanding and holden and phoebe brotherhood. The purpose of our direct action program is to create a situation so crisis packed that it will inevitably open the door to negotiation.

I therefore concur with you in your call for negotiation. To His Coy Mistress Poem? Too long has our beloved Southland been bogged down in a tragic effort to live in monologue rather than dialogue. One of the basic points in your statement is that the action that I and my associates have taken in Birmingham is untimely. Some have asked: Why didn't you give the holden caulfield, new city administration time to country act? The only answer that I can give to this query is that the new Birmingham administration must be prodded about as much as the outgoing one, before it will act. We are sadly mistaken if we feel that the and phoebe, election of Albert Boutwell as mayor will bring the millennium to Birmingham. While Mr. Boutwell is a much more gentle person than Mr. Connor, they are both segregationists, dedicated to maintenance of the status quo. I have hope that Mr.

Boutwell will be reasonable enough to see the futility of massive resistance to desegregation. But he will not see this without pressure from devotees of civil rights. My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain in civil rights without determined legal and nonviolent pressure. Lamentably, it is an historical fact that privileged groups seldom give up their privileges voluntarily. Wiki? Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture; but, as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups tend to holden caulfield and phoebe be more immoral than individuals. We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to bruce almighty engage in a direct action campaign that was well timed in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. For years now I have heard the word Wait! It rings in the ear of every Negro with piercing familiarity. This Wait has almost always meant Never. We must come to holden and phoebe see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that justice too long delayed is justice denied.

We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we still creep at horse and buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter. Perhaps it is easy for wiki, those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say, Wait. But when you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will and drown your sisters and brothers at whim; when you have seen hate filled policemen curse, kick and even kill your black brothers and sisters; when you see the vast majority of your twenty million Negro brothers smothering in an airtight cage of poverty in the midst of an affluent society; when you suddenly find your tongue twisted and holden your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your six year old daughter why she can't go to the public amusement park that has just been advertised on what, television, and see tears welling up in her eyes when she is holden caulfield and phoebe told that Funtown is closed to colored children, and see ominous clouds of what inferiority beginning to form in her little mental sky, and see her beginning to distort her personality by caulfield and phoebe developing an unconscious bitterness toward white people; when you have to concoct an answer for a five year old son who is asking: Daddy, why do white people treat colored people so mean?; when you take a cross county drive and is FreedomWorks? find it necessary to sleep night after night in the uncomfortable corners of and phoebe your automobile because no motel will accept you; when you are humiliated day in and day out by nagging signs reading white and colored; when your first name becomes nigger, your middle name becomes boy (however old you are) and your last name becomes John, and your wife and mother are never given the respected title Mrs.; when you are harried by day and haunted by when did britain become monarchy night by holden and phoebe the fact that you are a Negro, living constantly at tiptoe stance, never quite knowing what to expect next, and are plagued with inner fears and outer resentments; when you are forever fighting a degenerating sense of is FreedomWorks? nobodiness--then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait. There comes a time when the caulfield and phoebe, cup of bruce rating endurance runs over, and men are no longer willing to be plunged into the abyss of despair. I hope, sirs, you can understand our legitimate and unavoidable impatience. You express a great deal of anxiety over our willingness to break laws. Caulfield And Phoebe? This is certainly a legitimate concern. Since we so diligently urge people to obey the Supreme Court's decision of 1954 outlawing segregation in the public schools, at first glance it may seem rather paradoxical for when monarchy, us consciously to holden break laws.

One may well ask: How can you advocate breaking some laws and people o'connor obeying others? The answer lies in the fact that there are two types of laws: just and holden caulfield unjust. I would be the did britain monarchy, first to advocate obeying just laws. One has not only a legal but a moral responsibility to obey just laws. Conversely, one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws. I would agree with St.

Augustine that an unjust law is no law at holden and phoebe all. Now, what is the bruce almighty rating, difference between the two? How does one determine whether a law is just or unjust? A just law is a man made code that squares with the moral law or the law of God. An unjust law is holden a code that is what in business out of harmony with the moral law. And Phoebe? To put it in the terms of St. Thomas Aquinas: An unjust law is a human law that is not rooted in eternal law and what is globalisation in business natural law.

Any law that uplifts human personality is just. And Phoebe? Any law that degrades human personality is unjust. All segregation statutes are unjust because segregation distorts the soul and damages the personality. It gives the segregator a false sense of superiority and the segregated a false sense of inferiority. Segregation, to use the terminology of the Jewish philosopher Martin Buber, substitutes an on What is FreedomWorks? I it relationship for an I thou relationship and ends up relegating persons to holden and phoebe the status of things. Hence segregation is not only politically, economically and sociologically unsound, it is morally wrong and to his sinful.

Paul Tillich has said that sin is separation. Is not segregation an existential expression of man's tragic separation, his awful estrangement, his terrible sinfulness? Thus it is that I can urge men to obey the 1954 decision of the Supreme Court, for it is morally right; and I can urge them to disobey segregation ordinances, for they are morally wrong. Let us consider a more concrete example of just and unjust laws. An unjust law is a code that a numerical or power majority group compels a minority group to holden caulfield obey but does not make binding on bruce rating, itself. This is and phoebe difference made legal.

By the same token, a just law is a code that a majority compels a minority to follow and that it is willing to follow itself. This is sameness made legal. Let me give another explanation. A law is unjust if it is inflicted on a minority that, as a result of being denied the right to vote, had no part in enacting or devising the law. Who can say that the legislature of Alabama which set up that state's segregation laws was democratically elected? Throughout Alabama all sorts of when become devious methods are used to prevent Negroes from becoming registered voters, and there are some counties in which, even though Negroes constitute a majority of the population, not a single Negro is registered. Can any law enacted under such circumstances be considered democratically structured? Sometimes a law is just on its face and caulfield and phoebe unjust in its application.

For instance, I have been arrested on a charge of parading without a permit. Now, there is almighty nothing wrong in having an ordinance which requires a permit for a parade. But such an ordinance becomes unjust when it is used to maintain segregation and to deny citizens the First-Amendment privilege of peaceful assembly and holden protest. I hope you are able to see the distinction I am trying to point out. In no sense do I advocate evading or defying the law, as would the rabid segregationist. To His Poem? That would lead to anarchy. One who breaks an unjust law must do so openly, lovingly, and with a willingness to accept the penalty.

I submit that an individual who breaks a law that conscience tells him is unjust, and who willingly accepts the penalty of imprisonment in order to arouse the conscience of the community over its injustice, is in reality expressing the highest respect for law. Of course, there is nothing new about this kind of civil disobedience. It was evidenced sublimely in the refusal of Shadrach, Meshach and and phoebe Abednego to obey the laws of Nebuchadnezzar, on the ground that a higher moral law was at stake. It was practiced superbly by the early Christians, who were willing to face hungry lions and the excruciating pain of chopping blocks rather than submit to bruce almighty certain unjust laws of the Roman Empire. To a degree, academic freedom is a reality today because Socrates practiced civil disobedience. In our own nation, the Boston Tea Party represented a massive act of civil disobedience. We should never forget that everything Adolf Hitler did in Germany was legal and everything the Hungarian freedom fighters did in caulfield Hungary was illegal. It was illegal to aid and comfort a Jew in Hitler's Germany.

Even so, I am sure that, had I lived in Germany at the time, I would have aided and comforted my Jewish brothers. If today I lived in a Communist country where certain principles dear to the Christian faith are suppressed, I would openly advocate disobeying that country's antireligious laws. I must make two honest confessions to you, my Christian and Jewish brothers. First, I must confess that over country people the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the holden, Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is country people more devoted to order than to holden and phoebe justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of on What tension to caulfield and phoebe a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of good people direct action; who paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man's freedom; who lives by caulfield a mythical concept of time and who constantly advises the Negro to wait for a more convenient season. When Did Britain Become A Constitutional? Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will. Lukewarm acceptance is much more bewildering than outright rejection. I had hoped that the white moderate would understand that law and order exist for the purpose of establishing justice and that when they fail in this purpose they become the dangerously structured dams that block the flow of social progress. I had hoped that the white moderate would understand that the caulfield and phoebe, present tension in the South is a necessary phase of the transition from an obnoxious negative peace, in which the Negro passively accepted his unjust plight, to a substantive and in business positive peace, in holden caulfield and phoebe which all men will respect the what is globalisation in business, dignity and worth of human personality. Actually, we who engage in nonviolent direct action are not the creators of tension.

We merely bring to the surface the holden caulfield, hidden tension that is already alive. We bring it out in the open, where it can be seen and dealt with. Like a boil that can never be cured so long as it is covered up but must be opened with all its ugliness to bruce almighty rating the natural medicines of caulfield and phoebe air and light, injustice must be exposed, with all the tension its exposure creates, to the light of human conscience and the air of national opinion before it can be cured. In your statement you assert that our actions, even though peaceful, must be condemned because they precipitate violence. But is this a logical assertion? Isn't this like condemning a robbed man because his possession of money precipitated the evil act of robbery? Isn't this like condemning Socrates because his unswerving commitment to truth and his philosophical inquiries precipitated the act by the misguided populace in which they made him drink hemlock? Isn't this like condemning Jesus because his unique God consciousness and machiavelli never ceasing devotion to God's will precipitated the evil act of crucifixion? We must come to see that, as the federal courts have consistently affirmed, it is wrong to urge an individual to cease his efforts to holden gain his basic constitutional rights because the quest may precipitate violence. Society must protect the robbed and punish the robber. I had also hoped that the white moderate would reject the myth concerning time in relation to the struggle for freedom.

I have just received a letter from did britain a constitutional monarchy a white brother in holden and phoebe Texas. He writes: All Christians know that the colored people will receive equal rights eventually, but it is possible that you are in too great a religious hurry. It has taken Christianity almost two thousand years to accomplish what it has. The teachings of Christ take time to come to earth. People O'connor? Such an attitude stems from caulfield a tragic misconception of to his coy mistress time, from the strangely irrational notion that there is something in the very flow of time that will inevitably cure all ills. Actually, time itself is and phoebe neutral; it can be used either destructively or constructively. More and more I feel that the people of ill will have used time much more effectively than have the Essay, people of good will. We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the hateful words and actions of the bad people but for the appalling silence of the good people. Human progress never rolls in on wheels of inevitability; it comes through the tireless efforts of men willing to be co workers with God, and without this hard work, time itself becomes an holden caulfield and phoebe ally of the forces of bruce social stagnation. We must use time creatively, in the knowledge that the and phoebe, time is always ripe to do right. Now is the country o'connor, time to make real the promise of and phoebe democracy and transform our pending national elegy into a creative psalm of almighty brotherhood.

Now is the time to lift our national policy from the caulfield and phoebe, quicksand of racial injustice to the solid rock of human dignity. You speak of our activity in Birmingham as extreme. At first I was rather disappointed that fellow clergymen would see my nonviolent efforts as those of an extremist. I began thinking about the Essay is FreedomWorks?, fact that I stand in the middle of two opposing forces in the Negro community. One is a force of complacency, made up in part of Negroes who, as a result of long years of oppression, are so drained of self respect and a sense of somebodiness that they have adjusted to segregation; and in part of caulfield a few middle-class Negroes who, because of a degree of machiavelli academic and economic security and because in some ways they profit by segregation, have become insensitive to the problems of the masses. The other force is one of bitterness and hatred, and it comes perilously close to caulfield and phoebe advocating violence. It is expressed in the various black nationalist groups that are springing up across the nation, the largest and people best known being Elijah Muhammad's Muslim movement.

Nourished by the Negro's frustration over the continued existence of racial discrimination, this movement is made up of people who have lost faith in and phoebe America, who have absolutely repudiated Christianity, and who have concluded that the white man is an incorrigible devil. I have tried to stand between these two forces, saying that we need emulate neither the on What is FreedomWorks?, do nothingism of the complacent nor the caulfield and phoebe, hatred and despair of the black nationalist. For there is the more excellent way of love and nonviolent protest. I am grateful to God that, through the influence of the what is globalisation in business, Negro church, the way of nonviolence became an integral part of our struggle. If this philosophy had not emerged, by now many streets of the South would, I am convinced, be flowing with blood. And I am further convinced that if our white brothers dismiss as rabble rousers and outside agitators those of us who employ nonviolent direct action, and if they refuse to and phoebe support our nonviolent efforts, millions of Negroes will, out of frustration and good country despair, seek solace and security in black nationalist ideologies--a development that would inevitably lead to a frightening racial nightmare. Oppressed people cannot remain oppressed forever. The yearning for freedom eventually manifests itself, and that is what has happened to the American Negro. Caulfield And Phoebe? Something within has reminded him of his birthright of machiavelli freedom, and something without has reminded him that it can be gained. And Phoebe? Consciously or unconsciously, he has been caught up by the Zeitgeist, and with his black brothers of Africa and his brown and yellow brothers of Asia, South America and the Caribbean, the United States Negro is moving with a sense of great urgency toward the to his poem, promised land of racial justice.

If one recognizes this vital urge that has engulfed the Negro community, one should readily understand why public demonstrations are taking place. The Negro has many pent up resentments and latent frustrations, and he must release them. So let him march; let him make prayer pilgrimages to holden caulfield and phoebe the city hall; let him go on freedom rides -and try to understand why he must do so. If his repressed emotions are not released in good country people nonviolent ways, they will seek expression through violence; this is not a threat but a fact of history. So I have not said to my people: Get rid of your discontent. Rather, I have tried to say that this normal and healthy discontent can be channeled into the creative outlet of nonviolent direct action. And now this approach is being termed extremist. But though I was initially disappointed at being categorized as an extremist, as I continued to think about the matter I gradually gained a measure of holden satisfaction from the label. Was not Jesus an extremist for love: Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for Essay is FreedomWorks?, them which despitefully use you, and persecute you. Was not Amos an holden caulfield and phoebe extremist for what is globalisation in business, justice: Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like an ever flowing stream.

Was not Paul an extremist for the Christian gospel: I bear in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus. Was not Martin Luther an extremist: Here I stand; I cannot do otherwise, so help me God. Holden Caulfield? And John Bunyan: I will stay in jail to the end of my days before I make a butchery of my conscience. And Abraham Lincoln: This nation cannot survive half slave and half free. And Thomas Jefferson: We hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal . . . So the question is not whether we will be extremists, but what kind of extremists we will be. Good Country O'connor? Will we be extremists for hate or for love? Will we be extremists for the preservation of injustice or for the extension of holden caulfield and phoebe justice? In that dramatic scene on Calvary's hill three men were crucified. We must never forget that all three were crucified for the same crime--the crime of extremism. Two were extremists for o'connor, immorality, and thus fell below their environment.

The other, Jesus Christ, was an holden caulfield and phoebe extremist for love, truth and goodness, and thereby rose above his environment. Bruce Almighty Rating? Perhaps the South, the nation and the world are in holden caulfield and phoebe dire need of creative extremists. I had hoped that the white moderate would see this need. Perhaps I was too optimistic; perhaps I expected too much. I suppose I should have realized that few members of the oppressor race can understand the deep groans and passionate yearnings of the oppressed race, and machiavelli wiki still fewer have the vision to caulfield and phoebe see that injustice must be rooted out by strong, persistent and determined action. I am thankful, however, that some of our white brothers in the South have grasped the bruce almighty, meaning of caulfield this social revolution and coy mistress committed themselves to it. They are still all too few in quantity, but they are big in quality. Some -such as Ralph McGill, Lillian Smith, Harry Golden, James McBride Dabbs, Ann Braden and holden and phoebe Sarah Patton Boyle--have written about our struggle in eloquent and prophetic terms. Others have marched with us down nameless streets of the monarchy, South. They have languished in filthy, roach infested jails, suffering the abuse and brutality of policemen who view them as dirty nigger-lovers. Unlike so many of their moderate brothers and sisters, they have recognized the urgency of the moment and sensed the need for powerful action antidotes to holden and phoebe combat the disease of o'connor segregation.

Let me take note of my other major disappointment. I have been so greatly disappointed with the white church and its leadership. Of course, there are some notable exceptions. I am not unmindful of the caulfield, fact that each of you has taken some significant stands on this issue. I commend you, Reverend Stallings, for your Christian stand on this past Sunday, in to his coy mistress welcoming Negroes to your worship service on a nonsegregated basis. Holden And Phoebe? I commend the Catholic leaders of this state for integrating Spring Hill College several years ago. But despite these notable exceptions, I must honestly reiterate that I have been disappointed with the almighty, church. I do not say this as one of those negative critics who can always find something wrong with the church. I say this as a minister of the gospel, who loves the church; who was nurtured in its bosom; who has been sustained by its spiritual blessings and who will remain true to it as long as the cord of life shall lengthen.

When I was suddenly catapulted into the leadership of the bus protest in Montgomery, Alabama, a few years ago, I felt we would be supported by caulfield the white church. I felt that the white ministers, priests and coy mistress rabbis of the South would be among our strongest allies. Instead, some have been outright opponents, refusing to understand the freedom movement and misrepresenting its leaders; all too many others have been more cautious than courageous and have remained silent behind the anesthetizing security of stained glass windows. In spite of my shattered dreams, I came to Birmingham with the hope that the white religious leadership of caulfield this community would see the justice of our cause and, with deep moral concern, would serve as the channel through which our just grievances could reach the power structure. I had hoped that each of on What is FreedomWorks? you would understand. But again I have been disappointed. I have heard numerous southern religious leaders admonish their worshipers to holden and phoebe comply with a desegregation decision because it is the law, but I have longed to hear white ministers declare: Follow this decree because integration is morally right and because the Negro is your brother. Bruce Almighty? In the holden caulfield, midst of blatant injustices inflicted upon the Negro, I have watched white churchmen stand on the sideline and mouth pious irrelevancies and sanctimonious trivialities.

In the midst of to his a mighty struggle to rid our nation of racial and caulfield economic injustice, I have heard many ministers say: Those are social issues, with which the Essay is FreedomWorks?, gospel has no real concern. And I have watched many churches commit themselves to a completely other worldly religion which makes a strange, un-Biblical distinction between body and soul, between the holden caulfield and phoebe, sacred and the secular. I have traveled the length and breadth of Alabama, Mississippi and all the other southern states. On sweltering summer days and crisp autumn mornings I have looked at the South's beautiful churches with their lofty spires pointing heavenward. I have beheld the what, impressive outlines of caulfield and phoebe her massive religious education buildings. Over and over I have found myself asking: What kind of people worship here? Who is their God?

Where were their voices when the lips of is FreedomWorks? Governor Barnett dripped with words of interposition and nullification? Where were they when Governor Wallace gave a clarion call for defiance and hatred? Where were their voices of support when bruised and weary Negro men and holden women decided to rise from the dark dungeons of complacency to the bright hills of creative protest? Yes, these questions are still in my mind. In deep disappointment I have wept over the laxity of the church.

But be assured that my tears have been tears of love. There can be no deep disappointment where there is Essay on What not deep love. Yes, I love the church. How could I do otherwise? I am in holden and phoebe the rather unique position of being the son, the is globalisation in business, grandson and the great grandson of preachers. Yes, I see the church as the body of Christ. But, oh!

How we have blemished and scarred that body through social neglect and through fear of being nonconformists. There was a time when the church was very powerful--in the time when the early Christians rejoiced at being deemed worthy to suffer for what they believed. In those days the church was not merely a thermometer that recorded the ideas and principles of popular opinion; it was a thermostat that transformed the mores of society. Whenever the early Christians entered a town, the people in power became disturbed and caulfield and phoebe immediately sought to convict the machiavelli wiki, Christians for and phoebe, being disturbers of the peace and did britain become outside agitators.' But the Christians pressed on, in the conviction that they were a colony of holden caulfield and phoebe heaven, called to obey God rather than man. Small in number, they were big in commitment. They were too God-intoxicated to be astronomically intimidated. By their effort and example they brought an end to such ancient evils as infanticide and country people o'connor gladiatorial contests. Things are different now. So often the contemporary church is a weak, ineffectual voice with an uncertain sound. So often it is an archdefender of the holden caulfield and phoebe, status quo.

Far from being disturbed by the presence of the wiki, church, the holden, power structure of the average community is consoled by the church's silent--and often even vocal--sanction of things as they are. But the judgment of God is upon the church as never before. If today's church does not recapture the Essay, sacrificial spirit of the early church, it will lose its authenticity, forfeit the loyalty of millions, and be dismissed as an irrelevant social club with no meaning for the twentieth century. Every day I meet young people whose disappointment with the church has turned into outright disgust. Perhaps I have once again been too optimistic. Is organized religion too inextricably bound to the status quo to save our nation and the world? Perhaps I must turn my faith to the inner spiritual church, the church within the church, as the and phoebe, true ekklesia and machiavelli the hope of the world. But again I am thankful to God that some noble souls from the ranks of organized religion have broken loose from the holden and phoebe, paralyzing chains of conformity and joined us as active partners in the struggle for freedom.

They have left their secure congregations and country walked the streets of Albany, Georgia, with us. They have gone down the highways of the South on tortuous rides for freedom. Yes, they have gone to jail with us. Some have been dismissed from their churches, have lost the support of their bishops and caulfield and phoebe fellow ministers. But they have acted in Essay is FreedomWorks? the faith that right defeated is stronger than evil triumphant.

Their witness has been the spiritual salt that has preserved the true meaning of the caulfield, gospel in these troubled times. They have carved a tunnel of hope through the coy mistress, dark mountain of disappointment. I hope the church as a whole will meet the challenge of this decisive hour. But even if the church does not come to the aid of justice, I have no despair about the future. I have no fear about the caulfield and phoebe, outcome of our struggle in what in business Birmingham, even if our motives are at present misunderstood. We will reach the goal of freedom in Birmingham and all over the nation, because the goal of America is holden and phoebe freedom. Abused and when did britain monarchy scorned though we may be, our destiny is tied up with America's destiny. Before the pilgrims landed at caulfield Plymouth, we were here. Before the pen of Jefferson etched the majestic words of the Declaration of Independence across the Essay on What is FreedomWorks?, pages of history, we were here. For more than two centuries our forebears labored in holden this country without wages; they made cotton king; they built the homes of their masters while suffering gross injustice and shameful humiliation -and yet out of a bottomless vitality they continued to thrive and develop.

If the machiavelli, inexpressible cruelties of slavery could not stop us, the opposition we now face will surely fail. We will win our freedom because the sacred heritage of our nation and the eternal will of caulfield God are embodied in our echoing demands. Before closing I feel impelled to when mention one other point in your statement that has troubled me profoundly. You warmly commended the Birmingham police force for keeping order and preventing violence. And Phoebe? I doubt that you would have so warmly commended the police force if you had seen its dogs sinking their teeth into good country, unarmed, nonviolent Negroes. I doubt that you would so quickly commend the policemen if you were to holden observe their ugly and country people o'connor inhumane treatment of holden and phoebe Negroes here in the city jail; if you were to watch them push and curse old Negro women and young Negro girls; if you were to see them slap and kick old Negro men and young boys; if you were to observe them, as they did on two occasions, refuse to give us food because we wanted to sing our grace together. I cannot join you in your praise of the Birmingham police department. It is to his true that the police have exercised a degree of discipline in handling the demonstrators. In this sense they have conducted themselves rather nonviolently in and phoebe public. But for bruce almighty rating, what purpose?

To preserve the evil system of caulfield and phoebe segregation. Coy Mistress? Over the past few years I have consistently preached that nonviolence demands that the means we use must be as pure as the ends we seek. I have tried to make clear that it is wrong to use immoral means to attain moral ends. But now I must affirm that it is just as wrong, or perhaps even more so, to use moral means to and phoebe preserve immoral ends. Perhaps Mr. Connor and his policemen have been rather nonviolent in what is globalisation public, as was Chief Pritchett in Albany, Georgia, but they have used the moral means of caulfield and phoebe nonviolence to maintain the immoral end of racial injustice. As T. S. Eliot has said: The last temptation is the greatest treason: To do the right deed for Essay is FreedomWorks?, the wrong reason. I wish you had commended the Negro sit inners and demonstrators of Birmingham for and phoebe, their sublime courage, their willingness to suffer and their amazing discipline in the midst of great provocation.

One day the South will recognize its real heroes. They will be the James Merediths, with the noble sense of purpose that enables them to face jeering and hostile mobs, and what is globalisation with the agonizing loneliness that characterizes the life of the holden caulfield, pioneer. They will be old, oppressed, battered Negro women, symbolized in to his coy mistress poem a seventy two year old woman in caulfield and phoebe Montgomery, Alabama, who rose up with a sense of dignity and with her people decided not to ride segregated buses, and almighty rating who responded with ungrammatical profundity to one who inquired about her weariness: My feets is tired, but my soul is at rest. They will be the caulfield, young high school and college students, the young ministers of the gospel and a host of their elders, courageously and nonviolently sitting in at on What is FreedomWorks? lunch counters and holden willingly going to jail for conscience' sake. One day the South will know that when these disinherited children of Essay on What God sat down at lunch counters, they were in caulfield and phoebe reality standing up for almighty, what is best in the American dream and for the most sacred values in our Judaeo Christian heritage, thereby bringing our nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the founding fathers in their formulation of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence.

Never before have I written so long a letter. Holden And Phoebe? I'm afraid it is much too long to take your precious time. I can assure you that it would have been much shorter if I had been writing from a comfortable desk, but what else can one do when he is alone in good a narrow jail cell, other than write long letters, think long thoughts and pray long prayers? If I have said anything in this letter that overstates the truth and indicates an unreasonable impatience, I beg you to forgive me. If I have said anything that understates the truth and indicates my having a patience that allows me to settle for anything less than brotherhood, I beg God to caulfield and phoebe forgive me. I hope this letter finds you strong in the faith. I also hope that circumstances will soon make it possible for me to meet each of you, not as an integrationist or a civil-rights leader but as a fellow clergyman and a Christian brother.

Let us all hope that the dark clouds of rating racial prejudice will soon pass away and the deep fog of and phoebe misunderstanding will be lifted from to his coy mistress our fear drenched communities, and in some not too distant tomorrow the radiant stars of love and brotherhood will shine over our great nation with all their scintillating beauty. Yours for the cause of caulfield and phoebe Peace and machiavelli wiki Brotherhood, Martin Luther King, Jr.